HISTORY  OF   NATIONS. 


/'.///.  KRcar.K 


The 

Story  of  the  Boers 

NARRATED    BY 
THEIR  OWN  LEADERS 

Prepared  under  the  Authority  of 
the  South  African  Republics 

By 
C.    W.    VAN    DER    HOOGT 

ILLUSTRATED 


Preceded    by 


The   Policy  of  Mediation 

By  MONTAGU    WHITE 

Late  Consul-General  to  the 
South  African  Kepullict 


THE  BRADLEY    COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS 

NTTW   YOT7TC 


COPYRIGHT    igOO,  BY  C.  W.  VAN  DER  HOOGT 


SRLF 
URL 


"NOR  HAVE  I  EVER  QUESTIONED  THAT,  IN  THE  BE- 
GINNING OF  THE  TROUBLE,  THE  BOERS  MET  WITH 
"MUCH  OF  WHICH  TO  COMPLAIN  AT  THE  HANDS  OF 
"THE  BRITISH  GOVERNMENTS.  THEIR  MALTREAT- 
"MENT  WAS  NOT  INTENTIONAL,  INDEED,  BUT  RATH  BR 
"A  RESULT  OF  THE  SYSTEMATIC  NEGLECT-TO  USE 
"A  MILD  WORD -OF  COLONIES  AND  THEIR  INHABI- 
TANTS." 

H.    RIDER   HAGGARD, 

IN   THE    DEDICATION   OF 
"THE  SWALLOW:  A  TALE   OF   THE  GREAT  TREK." 


PREFACE 


It  is  with  some  hesitation  that  I  venture  to  un- 
dertake the  rewriting  and  enlargement  of  the  former 
issue  of  this  work,  which  appeared  in  pamphlet  form 
under  the  title  of  "A  Century  of  Injustice,"  but 
complying  with  the  wishes  of  our  struggling  breth- 
ren, my  dear  friends  and  kinsmen  in  far  South 
Africa,  I  have  endeavored  to  explain  the  real  "  griev- 
ances "  of  the  Boer  Governments  against  the  wrong- 
doings of  their  oppressors.  I  had  only  one  object  in 
view — namely,  to  enlighten  the  American  people, 
especially  those  in  high  authority.  It  is  gratifying 
to  state  that  the  book  has  been  favorably  received, 
for  many  readers  have  assured  me  that,  after  the 
reading  of  the  plain  facts,  they  have  become  con- 
vinced that  the  cause  of  the  Boers  is  right. 

The  unexpectedly  large  demand  from  all  over  the 
country  and  from  all  classes  of  people,  as  well  as 
the  urgent  requests  of  many  sympathizers  and  socie- 
ties, has  induced  me  to  publish  the  work  in  a  new 
and  revised  edition  under  the  title  of  "  The  Story  of 
the  Boers."  The  new  work  has  been  prepared  with 
great  care  and  is  much  more  complete.     It  contains, 


vi  PREFACE. 

among  other  important  official  documents,  the  trea- 
ties of  Sand  River,  of  Pretoria,  and  of  the  London 
convention. 

The  friendly  attitude  of  the  press  toward  our  sis- 
ter republics,  especially  in  my  own  city,  has  greatly 
encouraged  me  in  undertaking  this  work. 

I  am  indebted  to  my  friend,  Mr.  H.  H.  de  Vos,  of 
New  York,  ex- Vice -Consul  of  the  Netherlands,  for 

his  valuable  assistance.  I  express  my  renewed 
thanks  to  my  friends  in  the  East  and  West  for  their 

continued  devotion  to  the  good  cause;  and  finally, 
I  sincerely  hope — it  being  my  earnest  desire  to  serve 
the  Boers'  cause — that  the  book  in  its  new  form  may 
find  its  way  into  many  homes,  not  for  my  own  sake, 
but  for  that  of  the  Boers. 

C.  W.  Van  der  Hoogt. 
P^ltimore,  Md.,  March,  1900. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Preface V 

The  Policy  of  Mediation,  by  Montaou  White,  Late 
Consul-General  of    the   South   African    Republic  at 

London, * 

The  Struggle  of  the  Boers  to  Maintain  their  In- 
dependence.      A   Communication   to  the    American 

People,  by  C.  W.  van  der  Hoogt :: 

A  Century  of  Injustice.  A  Message  to  the  People  cf 
South  Africa,  sent  by  the  Government  of  the  Sortv 

African  Republic, 7- 

An  Earnest  Representation  and  Historical  Reminder, 
by  P.  J.  Joubert,  Vice-President  of  the  South  African 
Republic  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Burghers' 

Army, -_' 

A  Proclamation  to  the  Orange  Free  State  Burghers, 

by  M.  T.  Steyn,  President  of  the  Orange  Free  State,   196 
Official    Despatches,    Exchanged    between     President 

Steyn  and  High  Commissioner 201 

The  Boer  Government's  Reply  to  Mr.  Chamberlain,  .  226 
The  Sand  River  Convention  of  1852,  ....  254 
The  Pretoria  Convention  of  18S1,  ....  257 

The  London  Convention  of  1884, 271 

"Het  Volkslied,"  the  National  Hymn  of  the  South 
African  Republic, 2^5 


The  Story  of  the  Boers. 


THE   POLICY   OF   MEDIATION. 

It  must  at  the  outset  be  admitted  that  the  pros- 
pects of  ending  this  heartrending  tragedy  in  South 
Africa  by  the  honorable  and  satisfactory  method  of 
arbitration  or  mediation  do  not  appear  very  promis- 
ing when  one  remembers  the  determined  efforts  of 
Great  Britain  during  the  spring  and  summer  of  1899 
to  exclude  all  possibility  of  a  pacific  solution  of  the 
South  African  question. 

When  arrangements  were  being  made  for  the  rep- 
resentation of  foreign  powers  and  states  at  the  Peace 
Conference  in  Holland,  it  was  felt  that  the  differ- 
ences between  England  and  the  Transvaal  were  in 
danger  of  becoming  acute,  and  an  endeavor  was 
made  to  invite  the  South  African  Republic,  as  well 
as  the  Orange  Free  State,  to  send  delegates  to  the 
conference.  This  step  was  strenuously  and  success- 
fully opposed  by  Great  Britain,  because  the  latter 
claimed  suzerainty  over  the  Republic,  a  pretension 
in  itself  a  violation  of  the  convention  of  London. 
The  Orange  Free  State  at  once  refused  the  invita- 
tion on  account  of  the  slight  upon  its  sister  Repub- 
lic. It  naturally  regarded  the  proceedings  of  the 
conference  as  farcical  if  the  burning  question  of  the 
hour  in  South  Africa  were  to  be  eliminated. 


2  THE   STORY   OF  THE   BOERS. 

Undaunted  by  the  failure  to  secure  the  representa- 
tion of  the  South  African  Republic,  a  further  effort 
was  made  to  introduce  the  Transvaal  question  in  the 
conference  with  a  view  of  its  solution  by  pacific 
methods.  This  was  as  bitterly  opposed  as  the  first 
endeavor,  and  it  is  stated  that  Great  Britain  threat- 
ened to  withdraw  from  the  conference,  and  so  wreck 
its  international  character,  if  any  serious  attempt 
were  made  in  the  direction  of  benevolent  interven- 
tion or  discussion  in  regard  to  the  Transvaal. 

No  better  fate  attended  the  efforts  of  the  Peace 
Party  in  England  and  in  South  Africa.  The  advo- 
cates of  arbitration  in  England  were  browbeaten,  in- 
sulted, and  ridiculed,  some  even  being  subjected  to 
personal  violence,  while  in  South  Africa  the  Pre- 
mier, Mr.  Schreiner,  Mr.  Hofmeyer,  and  two-thirds 
of  the  Cape  Colonists  were  treated  as  traitors  and 
entirely  ignored  by  the  Imperial  Government.  The 
London  Times  even  congratulated  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain on  his  narrow  escape  from  a  pacific  solution. 

The  negotiations  between  the  two  belligerents  be- 
fore the  outbreak  of  hostilities  exhibit  the  strong 
desire  of  the  Republic  to  refer  all  disputes  to  arbi- 
tration, a  point  only  partially  and  ungraciously  con- 
ceded by  Great  Britain  after  many  efforts,  and  then 
emasculated  by  the  declaration  of  the  High  Com- 
missioner that  many  of  the  questions  at  issue  could 
not  in  any  case  be  settled  by  that  method. 

The  Transvaal  Government  was  finally  convinced 
that  only  two  courses  were  left  open — viz. ,  an  abject 
and  dishonorable  surrender  on  its  part,  or  the  arbit- 
rament of  the  sword. 

Turning  from  this  brief  review  of  the  past  to  glance 
at  present  conditions,  it  would  be  idle  to  ignore  the 


THE    POLICY    OF    MEDIATION.  3 

fact  that  the  reverses  of  the  British  during-  the  past 
five  months  have  inflicted  so  serious  a  blow  upon  the 
pride  and  prestige  of  Great  Britain  as  to  constitute 
for  the  time  being  a  formidable  obstacle  in  the  path 
of  those  who  are  advocating  conciliatory  methods. 
The  proceedings  in  Parliament  and  the  recent  reports 
from  England  all  tend  to  reflect  the  present  deter- 
mination of  the  British  public  to  retrieve  the  disas- 
ters in  South  Africa,  and  practically  to  carry  out  the 
policy  of  "seeing  it  through  "  to  the  bitter  end. 

The  exultation  called  forth  by  the  relief  of  Lady- 
smith  and  the  surrender  of  Commandant  Cronje  and 
his  burghers  to  an  overwhelmingly  superior  force  ap- 
pears so  feverish  and  so  unbridled  as  to  awaken  pain- 
ful misgivings  about  the  ultimate  settlement. 

But  the  end  of  the  war  is  not  yet  within  sight. 
The  defensive  campaign  is  likely  to  be  less  dramatic 
than  the  events  of  the  last  few  months,  but  it  will  be 
protracted  and  wearisome  even  to  the  cosmopolitan 
financiers  who  are  so  largely  responsible  for  the 
whole  tragedy.  Many  things  may  happen  before 
the  British  flag  waves  over  the  country  on  the  north- 
ern bank  of  the  Vaal,  and  the  English  people  are 
fortunately  endowed  with  a  quality  which  has  com- 
pelled the  admiration  of  many  foreigners,  French- 
men in  particular — and  that  is  "political  common 
setise."  It  is  only  natural  for  a  great  and  proud 
nation  to  feel  the  bitterness  of  serious  reverses  at 
the  hands  of  a  "  few  undisciplined  farmers."  But 
events  involving  prompt  action  may  easily  happen 
in  other  quarters  of  the  world  where  the  interests  of 
Great  Britain  are  far  more  vulnerable  and  important 
than  the  issues  in  South  Africa,  while  the  shameful 
ineptitude  which  brought  about  this  unnecessary  war 


4  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

must  daily  become  clearer  and  clearer  to  Englishmen 
in  spite  of  all  the  sophistry  of  adroit  debaters. 

The  courage,  gallantry,  and  heroism  of  their  foes 
must  also  in  the  end  appeal  to  such  admirers  of  pluck 
as  Englishmen  are  credited  to  be.     The  arguments 
in  favor  of  ending  this  war  are  indeed  irresistible. 
It  is  an  outrage  upon  civilization  as  well  as  an  insult 
to  both  those  who  brought  about  the  Peace  Confer- 
ence and  to  those  who  took  part  in  it.     The  century 
closes  with  a  Peace  Convention  intended  to  avert  the 
horror  of  war  between  nations,  and  lo  and  behold ! 
immediately  afterward  a  Great  Power,  termed  the 
mother  of  civilization,  is  locked  in  a  deadly  embrace 
with  two  little  States,  the  aggregate  population  of 
which  does  not  exceed  300,000  souls,  for  reasons 
which  have  been  rejected  as  insufficient  and  immoral 
by  the  conscience  of  the  civilized  world.     On  this 
subject  there  is  practically  only  one  voice  in  Europe 
outside  of  Great  Britain.     In  the  United  States  this 
voice  is  strengthened  by  the  sentiment  of  the  over 
whelming  majority  of  citizens.     England  will  gain 
practically  little  in  South  Africa  by  victory.     She  is 
already  mistress  of  the  commercial  and  industrial 
developments ;  and  the  vindictive  and  pitiless  settle- 
ment after  victory,  foreshadowed  by  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain, will  add  to  and  not  diminish  her  embarrass- 
ment.    A  garrison  of  50,000  soldiers  will  not  prove  a 
permanent    guarantee   of    peace,    because,    though 
the  Dutch  may  be  defeated,  they  will  never  be  con- 
quered. 

Passing  from  considerations  of  morality  to  ques- 
tions of  interest,  it  is  easy  to  note  that  the  financial 
circles  and  stock  exchanges  which  gleefully  looked 
forward  to  a  "  walk-over  "  and  a  triumphant  resulting 


THE   POLICY   OF   MEDIATION.  5 

boom  are  now  becoming-  uneasy  and  restive.  Gen- 
eral transactions  are  restricted,  and  the  holders  of 
South  African  stocks  are  slowly  grasping  the  fact 
that  they  may  be  saddled  with  the  cost  of  this  war 
when  Great  Britain  possesses  herself  of  the  Wit- 
waters  and  gold  mines.  They  may  realize  in  bitter- 
ness the  truth  of  the  quotation,  "  My  father  chastised 
you  with  whips,  but  I  shall  chastise  you  with  scor- 
pions." 

How  can  the  war  then  be  stopped?  Only  by  the 
friendly  representation  and  disinterested  mediation 
of  a  third  Power,  whose  good  offices  would  not  be 
misunderstood  by  or  unacceptable  to  either  belliger- 
ent. No  Continental  Power  can  under  the  circum- 
stances be  expected  to  mediate  with  success.  Ger- 
many has  a  footing  in  Southwest  Africa-  France  is 
in  Madagascar;  and  Russia  is  regarded  in  too  preju- 
diced a  light  by  Great  Britain  to  be  of  any  value  as 
a  benevolent  neutral.  There  is  only  one  Power 
which  might  at  a  favorable  opportunity  successfully 
intervene,  and  that  is  the  United  States  of  America. 
It  is  so  obvious,  that  it  has  occurred  not  only  to  the 
shrewdest  statesman  in  Europe — I  refer  to  His  Holi- 
ness the  Pope — but  even  to  the  humblest  friends  of 
peace  in  England  and  elsewhere.  The  stipulation 
of  the  American  delegates  to  the  conference  embod- 
ied in  The  Hague  convention,  now  formally  ratified 
by  the  Senate,  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  the  car- 
dinal principle  as  to  the  avoidance  of  "  entangling 
alliances,"  have  all  been  urged  as  reasons  which  pre- 
clude the  possibility  of  mediation  or  friendly  inter- 
vention. Taking  the  last  first,  it  is  obvious  that 
there  is  no  question  here  of  "entangling  alliances," 
for  neutrality  is  the  very  essence  of  successful  inter- 


6  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

vention.  With  regard  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  as  a 
stranger,  I  must  confess  to  a  sense  of  bewilderment 
as  to  its  application.  I  read  in  one  newspaper  that 
the  Philippine  policy  is  a  violation  of  that  doctrine. 
In  another  I  find  it  stated  that  the  new  Nicaraguan 
treaty  drives  a  hole  through  the  Monroe  Doctrine  as 
effectively  as  a  canal  would  pierce  the  isthmus.  I 
plead  that  my  ignorance  on  this  point  is  excusable, 
and  I  trust  I  shall  be  pardoned  if  in  my  enthusiasm 
for  my  cause  I  reject  the  argument  as  unworthy,  and 
dismiss  the  Monroe  Doctrine  as  an  effective  obstacle 
to  the  performance  of  a  benevolent  action. 

Nor  ought  any  academic  objections,  as  the  stipula- 
tions made  by  the  American  delegates  to  the  Peace 
Convention,  stand  in  the  way  of  carrying  out  the 
laudable  ends  which  the  conference  aimed  at  accom- 
plishing. The  United  States  is  not  debarred  from 
offering  mediation  if  there  is  a  genuine  desire  to  do  so. 
The  praiseworthy  theories  advocated  last  year  at 
The  Hague  have  unfortunately  been  sterilized  by  the 
savage  instincts  underlying  civilization,  but  that  fact 
ought  not  to  arrest  the  hands  of  those  who  sincerely 
welcomed  and  took  part  in  that  great  peace  move- 
ment from  putting  its  principles  into  practice.  It  is 
necessary  to  take  higher  ground  and  appeal  to  the 
altruistic  interest  of  humanity  in  furthering  the 
fundamental  principles  of  Right  and  Liberty  against 
Might  and  Tyranny. 

But  it  may  be  urged  that  the  United  States  can- 
not force  intervention  upon  either  belligerent,  or 
make  urgent  diplomatic  representations  to  Great 
Britain  as  to  the  necessity  of  stopping  this  war.  The 
first  alternative  is  ridiculous  and  can  be  dismissed 
at  once,  and  the  second  is  nearly  as  absurd,  because 


THE   FOLIC  i   OF   MEDIA!  ION.  7 

urgent  representations  would  be  undiplomatic  and 
would  produce  friction,  thus  proving  fatal  to  the  suc- 
cess of  the  idea.  But  there  is  a  third  and  better 
method,  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  indicate  beyond 
stating  that  it  would  have  to  be  followed  in  the  true 
spirit  of  diplomacy,  so  that  when  the  favorable  op- 
portunity occurs  the  effort  may  be  fruitfully  made 
and  crowned  with  success;  as  it  undoubtedly  would, 
for  American  friendship  is  just  now  a  political 
necessity  in  England.  Friendly  intervention,  if 
properly  brought  about,  would  not  be  misunderstood 
either  by  the  government  or  the  people  of  Great 
Britain,  and  would  inevitably  tend  to  strengthen 
good  feeling  between  the  two  countries.  An  under- 
standing between  the  English-speaking  people  of  the 
world  has  been  strongly  advocated  as  a  beneficent 
factor  in  the  spread  of  civilization.  It  would  be  a 
terrible  calamity  to  the  world  and  a  gross  scandal  if 
such  an  understanding  tended,  cither  by  active  co- 
operation or  by  a  sterile  attitude  of  correct  and  pas- 
sive neutrality,  to  further  the  cause  of  tyranny  and 
oppression,  or  to  crush  the  very  principles  of  Liberty 
and  Independence  which  constitute  the  foundation 
of  this  great  Republic.  If  there  are  to  be  "hands 
across  the  sea,"  let  them  be  stretched  out  for  some 
better  purpose  than  to  seize  gold  fields  and  other 
unconsidered  trifles  on  the  hypocritical  plea  that  the 
cause  of  civilization  and  humanity  is  enhanced  by 
such  international  crimes.  Do  not  let  "  the  white 
man's  burden  "  be  the  plunder  and  spoliation  of  the 
weaker  man  and  the  suppression  of  his  liberty  be- 
cause his  ideas  of  franchise  and  naturalization  do  not 
square  with  your  own. 

One  of  the  first  esse  ntials  in  pursuing  a  policy  of 


THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

mediation  is  the  education  of  the  English  people  as 
to  the  depth  and  strength  of  American  sentiment  on 
the  subject  of  this  war.  It  would  seem  that  English 
newspapers  have  issued  "  sealed  orders  "  to  their  cor- 
respondents abroad  to  furnish  only  such  news  as  will 
harmonize  with  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  editor, 
varied  by  occasional  abuse  of  distinguished  English 
politicians  in  the  opposite  camp.  It  is  necessary  for 
the  English  public  to  know — not  the  irreproachable 
sentiments  of  the  exclusive  "  society  "  man  who  lays 
stress  upon  the  English  kinship,  not  the  views  of  the 
Wall  Street  broker  who  voices  the  financial  interests, 
but — the  genuine  American  feeling  as  to  the  great 
fundamentals  of  Right,  Freedom,  and  Independence 
which  are  involved  in  this  struggle. 

The  British  public  is  being  wofully  misled  about 
the  trend  of  public  opinion  in  America  on  the  South 
African  war.  For  instance,  one  reads  with  pain  and 
dismay  such  communications  as  the  following,  tele- 
graphed by  "our  own  Washington  correspondent" 
to  the  London  Times,  and  published  in  that  journal 
on  the  17th  of  January,  1900: 

"  Opinions  and  feelings  are  divided  here  as  else- 
where, but  the  best  opinion  and  the  best  feeling  is 
preponderantly  Anglo-American.  There  is  no  mis- 
taking the  opinion  in  official  circles.  The  expres- 
sion of  it  is  necessarily  guarded  because  it  is  official, 
but  it  is  overwhelmingly  for  England.  '  When  I  am 
asked,'  said  one  of  the  highest  in  position,  'what 
my  sympathies  are,  I  say  they  are  American. '  He 
added  reflectively :  '  We  do  not  think  American  in- 
terests will  be  advanced  by  Boer  dominion  in  South 
Africa. '  " 

With  regard   to  the  contention   that  the  United 


THE   POLICY    OF    MEDIATION.  9 

States,  though  willing  to  use  its  friendly  offices,  can- 
not intervene  unless  requested  to  do  so  by  both  bel- 
ligerents, it  maybe  urged  that  if  the  two  combatants 
jointly  desire  peace  they  can  dispense  with  the  ser- 
vices of  a  mediator  and  settle  the  matter  among  them- 
selves. To  remain  passive  until  such  a  contingency 
arises,  and  then  offer  to  mediate,  would  be  a  cheap 
and  tawdry  act  of  benevolence.  The  essence  of 
mediation  is  that  a  friendly  neutral  should  act  spon- 
taneously and  on  its  own  initiative.  The  proceedings 
of  Imperial  rule  in  South  Africa,  going  hand  in  hand 
with  Force,  Fraud,  and  Folly,  offer  a  grim  commen- 
tary upon  the  altruism  which  its  doctrinaire  advo- 
cates are  continually  predicating  about  the  Pax  Bri- 
tannica.  The  Pax  Britannica  indeed !  We  in  South 
Africa  have  seen  but  little  of  its  beneficence. 
Hardly  a  decade  passes  but  what  bloodshed  and 
plunder  mark  the  track  of  this  much-vaunted  civili- 
zation. When  the  Boers  were  forced  by  the  treach- 
ery of  the  natives  to  undertake  punitive  expedi- 
tions, after  their  wives  and  children  had  been  cruelly 
massacred,  they  were  vilified  and  slandered  as  being 
brutal  and  cruel  oppressors  of  the  natives.  But 
when  the  Matabele  were  being  mowed  down  by 
Maxim  guns  six  years  ago  on  the  flimsiest  of  pre- 
texts, in  order  to  enhance  the  share  value  of  the 
Chartered  Company's  undertakings,  it  was  charac- 
terized by  a  right  honorable  member  of  the  British 
Cabinet  as  the  "  inevitable,  though  regretable,  result 
of  the  contact  between  barbarism  and  civilization." 
As  General  Joubert  once  remarked :  "  I  wonder  if 
the  English  really  believe  that  the  natives  enjoy  the 
process  of  being  killed  when  death  is  inflicted  by  an 
Englishman  and  not  by  a  Boer." 


IO  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

What  we  want  in  South  Africa  is  Peace— perma- 
nent Peace;  not  a  patched-up  sham  that  will  pass 
muster  for  twenty  years.  Let  there  be  true,  equal 
rights  for  the  two  races,  with  no  battalions  or  flying 
squadrons  to  fortify  the  illegal  pretensions  of  one 
section  only.  To  insure  permanent  peace  a  benevo- 
lent neutral  is  indispensable.     The  ideal  mediator 

which  is  only  a  synonym  for  the  United  States  in  re- 
gard to  this  war — is  therefore  urged  to  use  its  great 
and  irresistible  power  to  perform  an  act  which  will 
advance  the  cause  of  real  and  true  civilization,  not 
the  "fin  de  stecle"  sham  civilization  which  is  only 
savagery  veneered  with  hypocrisy. 

Mediation  would,  in  the  first  place,  give  expression 
to  and  satisfy  the  generous  sentiments  and  impulses 
of  the  true  American  people ;  it  would,  secondly,  re- 
ceive the  indorsement  and  approval  of  the  civilized 
world ;  thirdly,  it  would  extricate  Great  Britain  from 
a  false  and  embarrassing  situation;  and  lastly,  it 
would  provide  an  effective,  though  unfettered,  guar- 
antee of  their  dearly  bought  Liberty  and  Indepen- 
dence to  two  brave  little  States  in  South  Africa. 

Montagu  White. 


THE  STRUGGLE  OF  OUR   BRETHREN 

IN   SOUTH  AFRICA  TO   MAINTAIN 

THEIR   INDEPENDENCE. 

A    COMMUNICATION    TO   THE    AMERICAN 

PEOPLE. 

"  O  Lord,  we  thank  Thee  for  Thy  goodness  and 
mercy  Thou  hast  bestowed  upon  us  to  make  our  land 
and  people  free  and  independent." 

These  simple  words  were  spoken  years  ago  by 
President  Kruger  from  the  pulpit  of  the  Dutch  Re- 
formed Church  in  Zaandam,  Holland,  as  the  guest 
of  my  brother,  Rev.  M.  J.  Van  der  Hoogt,  to  a  great 
multitude,  who  came  to  see  and  to  greet  "  the  grand 
old  man"  from  South  Africa.  This  took  place  on  the 
occasion  of  his  visit  to  Holland,  after  the  conven- 
tion made  with  the  British  Government  at  London, 
in  1SS4.  He  preached  a  sermon  and  at  the  same 
time  he  gave  a  little  sketch  of  the  struggle  in  which 
his  people  have  been  engaged  for  almost  a  century. 
His  touching  story,  told  in  plain  and  simple  lan- 
guage, compelled  tears  from  the  eyes  of  his  audience. 
Those  who  were  present  will  never  lose  the  impres- 
sion his  appearance  made  upon  them.  They  will 
remember  Oom  Paul  with  sympathy,  admiration, 
and  respect.  His  people  believe  his  words,  because 
he  is  a  Christian  in  the  noble  sense  of  the  word ;  and 
because  he  loves    them    and  is   beloved   by   them. 


12  THE    STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

And  yet,  many  stories  about  his  barbarism  have 
been  told!  How  much  injustice  he  has  endured 
from  the  hands  of  his  accusers!  Those  who  have 
once  met  this  noble  figure,  looked  in  his  kind  but 
resolute  eyes,  and  grasped  his  firm  hand,  know  why 
his  people  admire  and  love  him.  He  deserves  the 
confidence  of  his  country,  which  he  serves  with  a 
devotion  perhaps  unequalled  in  this  world. 

He  soon  after  left  Holland  and  returned  to  his 
native  land  with  great  satisfaction,  having  accom- 
plised  a  good  work  in  making  his  country  Free  and 
Independent.  That  hateful  word  "  suzerainty  "  had 
disappeared  from  the  articles  of  the  new  convention. 
As  the  head  of  a  sovereign  power,  though  humble 
and  small  in  compass  and  population,  he  arrived  in 
the  capital  of  the  South  African  Republic  as  the  pre- 
server of  his  people.  The  country  prospered.  He 
now  is  serving  his  fourth  term  as  President  of  that 
sturdy  Dutch  Republic,  which  has  proven  and  is 
now  proving  to  the  world  that  it  is  in  existence  as  a 
free  and  independent  nation.  Years  have  passed  in 
peace  under  his  administration,  but  circumstances 
always  made  it  necessary  to  keep  a  watchful  eye 
upon  the  movements  of  Great  Britain. 

Many  misleading  and  designedly  false  statements 
have  been  made  relative  to  the  Transvaal's  Presi- 
dent and  the  Boers.  The  English  press  seem  al- 
ways eager  to  attack  the  President  personally,  even 
in  his  private  life,  and  they  endeavor  to  have  these 
stories  widely  circulated,  especially  on  this  side  of  the 
ocean.  Many  exaggerated  statements  have  been  pub- 
lished as  to  his  accumulation  of  wealth;  for  instance, 
that  the  President  by  his  economy  and  that  of  Mrs. 
Kruger  has  saved  his  annual  salary  and  lived  on  his 


TO    MAINTAIN   THEIR    [NDEPENDENCE.     13 

coffee  money — $1,500  per  annum — which  he  receives 
in  addition.  No  ignobler  attack  could  have  been 
made. 

Those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  way  of  life  in 
South  Africa  know  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
live  on  such  a  small  sum,  as  the  humblest  state  offi- 
cial gets  almost  that  amount  of  salary.  Life  in 
South  Africa,  especially  in  Transvaal,  is  very  ex- 
pensive, and  it  takes  a  large  sum  to  live  in  the  way 
the  President  does. 

The  so-called  coffee  money  is  simply  for  audience 
expense.  It  is  an  old  fashion  of  the  Dutch,  not  only 
in  South  Africa,  but  all  over  the  world,  where  they 
are  located,  to  offer  their  guests  coffee,  and  Presi- 
dent Kruger  has  his  audiences  early  in  the  morning. 
Everybody  is  allowed  to  see  him,  and  no  one  will 
leave  before  receiving  a  treat  of  coffee,  with  cake. 
I  am  sure  that  Mrs.  Kruger  needs  all  the  money  al- 
lowed for  this  audience  expense,  and  probably  more, 
for  the  army  of  guests  daily  visiting  the  President. 
At  half-past  five  in  the  morning  the  President  is  to 
be  found  under  his  veranda  to  receive  every  burgher 
without  any  ceremony.  Oom  Paul  and  Tante  Kru- 
ger are  very  hospitable  and  generous  to  the  poor, 
and  I  know  that  they  do  much  good  without  mak- 
ing it  public.  Both  would  be  ready  to  give  up  at 
any  time  all  they  have  to  save  their  beloved  country. 

The  words  "oom"  and  "tante"  mean  uncle  and 
aunt,  and  from  olden  times  the  Dutch  have  given 
these  names  to  popular  and  beloved  persons.  The 
people  are  devoted  to  them,  and  the  President  and 
Mrs.  Kruger  regard  it  as  an  honor  to  be  called  by 
these  pet  names. 

An   African    Boer   could   never   become   rich   in 


14  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

money,  but  only  in  land  and  cattle.  Money  was 
always  scarce  in  the  Transvaal,  and  especially  be- 
fore gold  was  discovered.  They  have  not  profited 
by  it.  There  has  been  from  the  English  side  much 
talk  of  filling  the  pockets  of  the  Boers  and  accumu- 
lation of  wealth.  This  is  unjust.  The  Boers  in 
general  are  to-day  no  better  off  than  they  were  be- 
fore the  gold  discovery.  They  love  their  land  and 
their  cattle,  and  they  are  not  anxious  to  become 
gold  hunters  or  rich  mine  owners 

The  continual  assaults  upon  Mr.  Kruger  and  the 
comments  upon  his  private  life  show  a  sad  lack  of 
good  arguments,  and  it  may  be  asked  with  what  right 
the  English  could  resent  like  attacks  upon  the 
Queen,  when  they  resort  to  the  same  contemptible 
methods  in  regard  to  the  official  head  of  a  friendly 
state? 

But  this  mode  of  vilification  and  defamation  is 
peculiar  to  the  English  people  and  their  press.  It 
has  been  aptly  said  that "  those  whom  England  would 
destroy  with  her  bullets  she  first  attempts  to  blacken 
with  her  printers'  ink."  When  we  call  to  mind  how 
the  English  press  vented  upon  the  immortal  Lincoln 
its  vilest  spleen  and  bitterest  scoffs  and  jests  during 
the  whole  four  years  of  his  efforts  to  save  the  Union, 
in  order  that  "  free  government  might  not  perish 
from  the  earth,"  Oom  Paul  may  well  feel  proud  of 
the  British  contumely  and  hate  vented  upon  himself. 

'  The  oppressor' s  ivrong,  the  proud  mans  con- 
tumely" scathes  no  honest  man  whose  cause  is  just. 
Here  is  an  answer  to  English  vilification,  which 
every  English  writer  would  do  well  to  read  and  pon- 
der. It  carries  its  own  lesson.  It  was  published 
anonymously  in  London   Punch  on   May   6,    1865. 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     15 

Accompanying  it  was  an  engraving  of  Britannia 
mourning  at  Lincoln's  bier  and  placing  a  wreath 
thereon.  Columbia  was  represented  as  weeping  at 
the  head  of  the  President,  and  at  the  foot  of  the  bier 
was  a  slave  with  broken  shackles.  Underneath  was 
the  inscription,  "  Britannia  Sympathizes  with  Colum- 
bia." 

You  lay  a  wreath  on  murdered  Lincoln's  bier, 
You,  who  with  mocking  pencil  wont  to  trace. 

Broad  for  the  self-complacent  British  sneer, 

His  length  of  shambling  limb,  his  furrowed  face, 

His  gaunt,  gnarled  hands,  his  unkempt  bristling  hair, 
His  garb  uncouth,  his  bearing  ill  at  ease, 

His  lack  of  all  we  prize  as  debonair, 
Of  power  or  will  to  shine,  of  art  to  please. 

You,  whose  smart  pen  backed  up  the  pencil's  laugh, 
Judging  each  step,  as  though  the  road  were  plain  ; 

Reckless,  so  it  could  point  its  paragraph, 
Of  chief's  perplexity,  or  people's  pain. 

Beside  this  corpse,  that  bears  the  winding  sheet 
The  Stars  and  Stripes  he  lived  to  rear  anew, 

Between  the  mourners  at  his  head  and  feet, 
Say,  scurril-jester,  is  there  room  for  you? 

Yes,  he  had  lived  to  shame  me  from  my  sneer, 
To  lame  my  pencil,  and  confute  my  pen — 

To  make  me  own  this  hind  of  princes  peer, 
This  rail-splitter  a  true-born  king  of  men  ! 

The  Washington  Mirror,  from  which  I  clip  this 
humiliating  recantation,  says  that  "  not  until  within 
a  year  or  so  ago  did  it  become  generally  known  that 
the  author  was  the  dramatist,  Tom  Taylor,  author 
of  the  comedy,  '  Our  American  Cousin,'  a  perform- 
ance of  which  President  Lincoln  was  attending  at 
the  time  when  he  was  assassinated  on  April  14,  1865." 


16  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

"  The  object  of  the  publication  of  this  book  is  to 
enlighten  the  American  people  and  to  demonstrate 
that  it  is  not  the  Boers  but  England  that  is  in  the 
wrong.  Our  people  have  been  wrongly  informed 
on  the  South  African  question,  because  they  have 
heard  so  many  one-sided  statements  which  came 
from  English  sources. 

"  We  owe  it  to  the  citizens  of  this  great  Republic 
to  inform  them  about  the  plain  facts,  based  upon 
official  documents." — Transvaal  Green  Book. 

To  those  who  have  closely  followed  the  history  of 
the  South  African  question  it  will  be  plain  that  one 
of  the  main  causes  of  the  present  war  was  the  dis- 
covery of  gold  in  large  quantities  in  different  parts 
of  the  South  African  Republic  in  1886,  especially  in 
the  district  of  Witwatersrand.  What  to  another 
country  might  have  been  a  blessing  has  been  in 
many  respects  a  curse  for  the  South  African  Repub- 
lic. The  discovery  of  these  immensely  rich  gold 
fields  caused  a  total  revolution  in  the  economical 
and  political  situation  of  the  Republic.  From  a  state 
of  comparative  poverty  the  South  African  Republic 
developed  in  the  course  of  a  few  years  into  a  rich 
and  prosperous  country.  But  this  increase  of  wealth 
was  not  to  the  special  benefit  of  the  farming  popu- 
lation, but  of  adventurers  who  swarmed  into  their 
domain  from  all  lands  to  hunt  for  gold.  The  gov- 
ernment made  mining  laws  more  liberal  than  those 
of  any  other  country,  and  they  were  made  in  such 
a  way  as  to  prevent  capitalists  from  obtaining 
monopolies.  The  object  was  to  suit  the  mixed 
population,  but  the  complaints  of  the  English  ad- 
venturers never  ceased. 

The  sudden  change  of  conditions  would  certainly 


TO   MAINTAIN   THEIR    INDEPENDENCE,      i" 

have  puzzled  any  government,  and  no  fair  minded 
man  could  expect  that  the  Bolt-  government  would 
be  able  to  cope  with  all  its  requirements. 

In  her  brilliant  essay,  "The  South  African  Ques- 
tion," the  distinguished  authoress,  Olive  Schreiner, 

sister  of  the  Premier  of  Cape  Colony,  who  is  favor- 
ably known  among  the  Afrikanders  and  admired  by 
the  English  population,  says: 

"  We  put  it,  not  to  the  man  in  the  street,  who,  for 
lack  of  time  or  interest,  may  have  given  no  thought 
to  such  matters,  but  to  all  statesmen,  of  whatever 
nationality,  who  have  gone  deeply  into  the  problems 
of  social  structure  and  the  practical  science  of  gov- 
ernment, and  to  all  thinkers  who  have  devoted  time 
and  study  to  the  elucidation  of  social  problems  and 
the  structure  of  societies  and  nations,  whether  the 
problem  placed  suddenly  for  solution  before  this  lit- 
tle state  does  not  exceed  in  complexity  and  diffi- 
culty that  which  it  has  almost  ever  been  a  necessity 
that  the  people  of  any  country  in  the  past  or  present 
should  deal  with?  When  we  remember  how  gravely 
is  discussed  the  arrival  of  a  few  hundred  thousand 
Chinamen  in  America,  who  are  soon  lost  in  the  vast 
bulk  of  the  population,  as  a  handful  of  chaff  is  lost 
in  a  bag  of  corn;  when  we  recall  the  fact  that  the 
appearance  in  England  of  a  few  thoiisand  laboring 
Polish  and  Russian  Jews  amidst  a  vast  population, 
into  which  they  will  be  absorbed  in  less  than  two 
generations,  forming  good  and  leal  English  sub- 
jects, has  been  solemnly  adverted  upon  as  a  great 
national  calamity,  and  measures  have  been  weightily 
discussed  for  forcibly  excluding  them,  it  will  assur- 
edly be  clear,  to  all  impartial  and  truth  loving  minds, 
that  the  problem  which  the  Transvaal  Republic  has 
2 


1 8  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

suddenly  had  to  deal  with  is  one  of  transcendent 
complexity  and  difficulty. 

"We  put  it  to  all  generous  and  just  spirits, 
whether  of  statesmen  or  thinkers,  whether  the  lit- 
tle Republic  does  not  deserve  our  sympathy,  the 
sympathy  which  wise  minds  give  to  all  who  have  to 
deal  with  new  and  complex  problems,  where  the 
past  experience  of  humanity  has  not  marked  out  a 
path — and  whether,  if  we  touch  the  subject  at  all,  it 
is  not  necessary  that  it  should  be  in  that  large,  im- 
partial, truth-seeking  spirit,  in  which  humanity  de- 
mands we  should  approach  all  great  social  difficul- 
ties and  questions? 

"  We  put  it  further  to  such  intelligent  minds  as 
have  impartially  watched  the  action  and  endeavors 
of  the  little  Republic  in  dealing  with  its  great  prob- 
lems, whether,  when  all  the  many  sides  and  complex 
conditions  are  considered,  it  has  not  manfully  and 
wonderfully  endeavored  to  solve  them* 

"  It  is  sometimes  said  that  when  one  stands  looking 
down  from  the  edge  of  this  hill  at  the  great  mining 
camp  of  Johannesburg  stretching  beneath,  with  its 
heaps  of  white  sand  and  debris  mountains  high, 
its  mining  chimneys  belching  forth  smoke,  with  its 
seventy  thousand  Kaffirs,  and  its  eighty  thousand 
men  and  women,  white  or  colored,  of  all  nationali- 
ties, gathered  here  in  the  space  of  a  few  years,  on 
the  spot  where  fifteen  years  ago  the  Boer's  son 
guided  his  sheep  to  the  water  and  the  Boer's  wife 
sat  alone  at  evening  at  the  house  door  to  watch  the 
sunset,  we  are  looking  upon  one  of  the  most  won- 
derful spectacles  on  earth.  And  it  is  wonderful; 
but,  as  we  look  at  it,  the  thought  always  arises 
within  us  of  something  more  wonderful  yet — the 


TO    MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.      19 

marvellous  manner  in  which  a  little  nation  of  sim] 
folk,  living  in  peace  in  the  land  they  loved,  far  from 
the  rush  of  cities  and  the  concourse  of  men,  have 
risen  to  the  difficulties  of  their  condition  ;  how  they, 
without  instruction  in  statecraft,  or  traditionary 
rules  of  policy,  have  risen  to  face  their  great  diffi- 
culties, and  have  sincerely  endeavored  to  meet  them 
in  a  large  spirit,  and  have  largely  succeeded.  Noth- 
ing but  that  curious  and  wonderful  instinct  for  state- 
craft and  the  organization  and  arrangement  of  new 
social  conditions  which  seem  inherent  as  a  gift  of 
the  blood  to  all  those  people  who  took  their  rise  in 
the  little  deltas  on  the  northeast  of  the  continent  of 
Europe,  where  the  English  and  Dutch  peoples  alike 
took  their  rise,  could  have  made  it  possible.  We  do 
not  say  that  the  Transvaal  Republic  has  among  its 
guides  and  rulers  a  Solon  or  a  Lycurgus;  but  it  has 
to-day  among  the  men  guiding  its  destiny  men  of 
brave  and  earnest  spirit,  who  are  seeking  manfully 
and  profoundly  to  deal  with  the  great  problems  be- 
fore them  in  a  wide  spirit  of  humanity  and  justice. 
And  we  do  again  repeat,  that  the  strong  sympathy 
of  all  earnest  and  thoughtful  minds,  not  only  in 
Africa,  but  in  England,  should  be  with  them." 

Has  the  South  African  Republic  received  this  gen- 
eral sympathy,  especially  from  England,  from  tli> 
mother  of  civilization  ?     The  facts  speak  for  them- 
selves and  need  no  comment. 

Ever  since  the  discovery  of  the  gold  fields    the 
British  Colonial  Office  has  aided  and  abetted  those 
who  sought  to  dcstro)T  the   little  Republic.      It  w 
with  that  object  in  view  that   the  Chartered  Com- 
pany of  South  Africa  was  established  by  Mr,  Ce 
Rhodes,  the  man  who  some  sixteen  years  ago  de- 


20  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

clared  that  within  twenty  years  he  would  change  the 
map  of  South  Africa. 

The  constant  desire  of  the  Colonial  Office  was  to 
see  the  Republic  become  a  part  of  the  British  Em- 
pire. The  first  demonstration  to  that  end  took  place 
when  in  1890  President  Kruger  visited  Johannes- 
burg. The  flag  of  the  Republic  was  pulled  down 
from  the  government  building  by  these  English 
aliens,  and  the  President  was  insulted  by  them. 

The  intrigues  of  Mr.  Rhodes  and  his  company 
reached  their  climax  in  1895  in  the  infamous  Jame- 
son Raid,  and  it  was  from  that  time  that  the  Boer 
Government  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  great 
struggle  for  the  existence  and  independence  of  the 
Republic  was  unavoidable. 

Mr.  Chamberlain,  speaking  of  the  Jameson  Raid, 
said  in  his  speech  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  May 
8,  1899: 

"  To  go  to  war  with  President  Kruger  to  enforce 
upon  him  reforms  in  the  internal  affairs  of  his  state, 
in  which  secretaries  of  state,  standing  in  their  places, 
have  repudiated  all  right  of  interference — that  would 
be  a  course  of  action  which  would  be  immoral." 

And  yet  Mr.  Stead,  the  well-known  apostle  of 
peace,  in  his  Review  of  Revieivs,  openly  accuses  Mr. 
Chamberlain  of  being  an  accomplice  in  that  raid. 
He  says  that  Jameson,  Rhodes,  and  Chamberlain 
were  in  constant  communication  before  the  raid  was 
accomplished. 

We  all  know  how  the  ringleaders  of  this  raid, 
after  their  cowardly  surrender  at  Krugersdorp,  were 
treated  by  President  Kruger. 

Instead  of  following  the  example  set  by  the  Brit- 
ish Government  by  the  cruel  slaughter  at   Slach- 


TO    .U.  ...  CE.     21 

tersnek  in  i  S 1 6,  the  prisoners  were  surrendered  to 
the  British  Government,  with  the  expectation  that 

they  would  he  adequately  punished,  and  that  an  in- 
demnity would  be  paid  to  the  Boer  Government. 
We  all  know  how  inadequately  Jameson  was  pun- 
ished, and  that  the  indemnity  remains  unpaid  wholly 
to  the  present  moment,  although  Sir  Alfred  Milner 
declared  at  the  Bloemfontein  conference  of  May, 
1899,  that  the  Government  had  decided  upon  prin- 
ciple that  the  Chartered  Company  must  pay  an 
indemnity,  and  that  a  despatch  relating  to  the  mat- 
ter had  been  forwarded  to  him  by  Mr.  Chamberlain. 
It  is  fair  to  assume  that  this  despatch  is  still  on  its 
way  from  Downing  Street  to  Cape  Town. 

Here  again  is  an  illustration  of  the  action  of  a 
great  power  toward  a  little  republic.  If  that  out- 
rage had  occurred  in  this  or  any  other  large  coun- 
try, it  would  have  led  to  a  war  or  an  apology,  with 
the  payment  of  an  immense  indemnity  to  the  in- 
jured party;  but  when  it  took  place  in  that  little 
country  in  South  Africa  the  claim  was  simply  ig- 
nored. 

The  Jameson  Raid  was  disastrous  in  every  respect 
to  the  plans  of  Messrs.  Rhodes  and  Chamberlain. 
It  caused  the  Boer  Government  to  prepare  itself  with 
all  possible  energy  for  the  final  struggle,  which  it 
well  knew  could  not  be  averted;  and  in  the  Cape 
Colony  it  caused  a  very  strong  resentment  among 
the  Afrikander  element,  which  culminated  in  the 
downfall  of  the  Rhodes  administration  and  in  the  ac- 
cession of  an  Afrikander  Ministry  under  Mr.  Schrei- 
ner.  The  burghers  of  the  Orange  Free  State  also 
became  convinced  that  the  independence  of  their 
State  was  equally  endangered,  and  as  a  consequence 


22  THE    STORY   OF    THE    BOERS. 

the  two  Republics  made  a  treaty  for  their  mutual 
defence. 

After  the  failure  of  the  Jameson  Raid  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain made  up  his  mind  to  pursue  a  different  course, 
and  accordingly  he  made  himself  the  noble  and  dis- 
interested defender  of  the  much-abused  Uitlanders. 
Their  "  grievances  "  were  to  be  redressed  by  what 
Mr.  Rhodes  was  pleased  to  call  "  constitutional 
means." 

And  here  it  may  be  asked,  Who  are  these  Uit- 
landers and  why  did  they  go  to  the  South  African 
Republic?  Did  they  come  there  with  the  motives 
which  animated  the  emigrants  daily  landing  on  our 
shores?  Did  they  come  with  the  purpose  to  make 
South  Africa  their  permanent  home  and  to  become 
true  citizens  of  the  South  African  Republic?  The 
answer  is  "No!"  a  thousand  times  "No!"  They 
came  merely  in  search  of  gold,  and  with  the  sole  pur- 
pose of  becoming  rich  in  the  shortest  possible  time 
and  then  to  return  whence  they  came.  This  is  true  of 
the  great  majority  of  the  Uitlanders,  and  especially 
true  in  regard  to  the  Englishmen.  In  this  connec- 
tion we  desire  to  repeat  the  question  that  was  asked 
in  the  Dutch  address  to  the  British  people — viz. : 
"  Does  such  a  checkered,  greedy  population,  be  its 
members  individually  ever  so  respectable,  afford  the 
sound  material  which  a  thriving,  self-governing  com- 
munity stands  so  much  in  need  of?  Is  a  moral  at- 
mosphere, saturated  chiefly  with  ideas  of  gold  dig- 
ging, speculation,  and  stock  jobbing,  a  wholesome 
4  milieu '  for  favoring  the  development  of  such  ele- 
mentary civic  virtues  as  public  spirit,  love  of  equity, 
and  sense  of  justice?  "  I  leave  the  answer  to  every 
fair  minded,  unprejudiced  man. 


TO   MAINTAIN   THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     23 

These  Uitlanders  then  clamored  for  the  elective 
franchise.  But  could  the  Boer  Government  expect 
that  such  people  would  exercise  that  sacred  right  in 
the  interest  of  the  Republic >  As  a  matter  of  fact 
most  of  these  "  abused  "  Uitlanders,  especially  the 
English,  felt  no  love  but  only  hatred  for  the  Repub- 
lic. Still  they  insisted  upon  their  "right"  to  the 
franchise,  and  at  the  same  time  they  must  be  al- 
lowed to  remain  faithful  subjects  of  Her  Majesty ! 
If  this  was  not  the  political  status  they  wanted  to 
assume,  why  should  Sir  Alfred  Milner  have  objected 
to  the  draft  of  the  Oath  of  Allegiance  proposed  by 
President  Kruger  at  the  Bloemfontein  conference? 
And  why  should  he  have  preferred  the  Orange  Free 
State  form,  which  was  less  positive  on  the  point  of 
forswearing  allegiance  to  the  Queen? 

Still  the  Boer  Government  made  concessions  on 
this  point,  going  even  further  than  suggested  by 
ihe  High  Commissioner  at  Bloemfontein. 

The  following  letters  to  the  British  agent  at  Pre- 
toria prove  the  sincerity  of  the  South  African  Re- 
public Government  to  settle  this  difference : 

[translation.] 

"  Department   ok    Foreign    Affairs,    Government 

Office, 
"Pretoria,  August  19,  1899. 
"Sir:  With  reference  to  your  request  for  a  joint 
inquiry,  contained  in  your  dispatches  of  2  and  3 
August,  the  Government  of  the  South  African  Re- 
public have  the  honor  to  suggest  the  alternative 
proposal  for  the  consideration  of  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment, which  this  Government  trusts  may  lead  to 
final  settlement. 


24  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

"  i.  The  Government  are  willing  to  recommend  to 
the  Volksraad  and  the  People  a  five  years'  retrospect- 
ive franchise,  as  proposed  by  His  Excellency  the 
High  Commissioner  at  Bloemfontein  on  i  June,  1899. 

"  2.  The  Government  are  further  willing  to  recom- 
mend to  the  Volksraad  that  eight  new  seats  in  the 
First  Volksraad  and,  if  necessary,  also  in  the  Second 
Volksraad,  be  given  to  the  population  of  the  Wit- 
watersrand,  thus  with  the  two  sitting  members  of 
the  Goldfields,  giving  to  the  population  thereof  ten 
representatives  in  a  Raad  of  thirty-six,  and  in  future 
the  representation  of  the  Goldfields  of  this  Republic 
shall  not  fall  below  the  proportion  of  one-quarter  of 
the  total. 

"  3.  The  new  burghers  shall,  equally  with  the  old 
burghers,  be  entitled  to  vote  at  the  election  for  State 
President  and  Commandant  General. 

"  4.  This  Government  will  always  be  prepared  to 
take  into  consideration  such  friendly  suggestions 
regarding  the  details  of  the  Franchise  Law  as  Her 
Majesty's  Government,  through  the  British  Agent, 
may  wish  to  convey  to  it. 

"5.  In  putting  forward  the  above  proposals  the 
Government  of  the  South  African  Republic  as- 
sumes: 

"a.  That  Her  British  Majesty's  Government  will 
agree  that  the  present  intervention  shall  not  form  a 
precedent  for  future  similar  action,  and  that  in  the 
future  no  interference  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
Republic  will  take  place. 

"  b.  That  Her  Majesty's  Government  will  not  fur- 
ther insist  on  the  assertion  of  the  Suzerainty,  the 
controversy  on  this  subject  being  allowed  tacitly  to 
drop. 


TO    MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     25 

"c.  That  arbitration  (from  which  foreign  element, 
other  than  Orange  Free  State,  is  to  be  excluded) 
will  be  conceded  as  soon  as  the  franchise  scheme  has 
become  law. 

"6.  Immediately  on  Her  British  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment accepting  this  proposal  for  a  settlement, 
the  Government  will  ask  the  Volksraad  to  adjourn 
for  the  purpose  of  consulting  the  people  about  it, 
and  the  whole  scheme  might  become  law,  say,  within 
a  few  weeks. 

"7.  In  the  mean  time  the  form  and  scope  of  the 
proposed  tribunal  are  also  to  be  discussed  and  pro- 
visionally agreed  upon,  while  the  franchise  scheme 
is  being  referred  to  the  people,  so  that  no  time  may 
be  lost  in  putting  an  end  to  the  present  state  of 
affairs. 

"The  Government  trusts  that  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment will  clearly  understand  that  in  the  opinion 
of  this  Government  the  existing  franchise  law  of 
this  Republic  is  both  fair  and  liberal  to  the  new 
population,  and  that  the  consideration  that  induces 
them  to  go  further,  as  they  do  in  the  above  pro- 
posals, is  their  strong  desire  to  get  the  controver- 
sies between  the  two  governments  settled,  and  fur- 
ther to  put  an  end  to  the  present  strained  relations 
between  the  two  governments,  and  the  incalculable 
harm  and  loss  it  has  already  occasioned  in  South 
Africa,  and  to  prevent  a  racial  war,  from  the  effects 
of  which  South  Africa  may  not  recover  for  many 
generations,  perhaps  never  at  all,  and  therefore  this 
Government,  having  regard  for  all  these  circum- 
stances, would  highly  appreciate  it,  if  Her  Majesty's 
Government,  seeing  the  necessity  of  preventing  the 
present  crisis  from  developing  still  further  and  the 


26  THE    STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

urgency  of  an  early  termination  of  the  present  state 
of  affairs,  would  expedite  the  acceptance  or  refusal 
of  the  settlement  here  offered. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"F.  W.  Reitz, 

"  State  Secretary. 
"  The  Honorable 

"W.    CONYNGHAM    GREENE,   C.    B. , 

"  British  Agent, 

"  Pretoria. 

[translation.] 

"  Department    of    Foreign    Affairs,    Government 

Office. 
"Pretoria,  August  21,  1899. 

"Sir:  In  continuation  of  my  dispatch  of  the  19th 
instant  and  with  reference  to  the  communication  to 
you  of  the  State  Attorney  this  morning,  I  wish  to 
forward  you  the  following  in  explanation  thereof, 
with  the  request  that  the  same  may  be  telegraphed 
to  His  Excellency  the  High  Commissioner  as  form- 
ing part  of  the  proposals  of  this  government  em- 
bodied in  the  above-named  despatch : 

"  1.  The  proposals  of  this  Government  regarding 
the  question  of  franchise  and  representation  con- 
tained in  that  despatch  must  be  regarded  as  ex- 
pressly conditional,  on  Her  Majesty's  Government 
consenting  to  the  points  set  forth  in  par.  5  of  the  de- 
spatch— viz. : 

"  a.  In  future  not  to  interfere  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  South  African  Republic. 

"  b.  Not  to  insist  further  on  its  assertion  of  the 
existence  of  the  Suzerainty. 


TO  MAINTAIN   THEIR   INDEPENDENCE.     27 

**C.    To  agree  to  arbitration. 

"2.  With  reference  to  par.  6  of  the  despatch,  this 
Government  trusts  that  it  is  clear  to  Her  Majesty's 
Government  that  this  Government  has  not  consulted 
the  Volksraad  as  to  this  question,  and  will  only  do 
so  when  an  affirmative  reply  to  its  proposals  has 
been  received  from  Her  Majesty's  Government. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"F.  W.  Reitz, 
"  State  Secretary. 
"  The  Honorable 

"W.   CONYNGHAM    GREENE,   C.    B. , 

"  British  Agent, 

"Pretoria." 

These  letters  were  only  written  after  the  Boer 
Government  had  been  confidentially  assured  by  the 
British  agent,  Mr.  Conyngham  Greene,  that  the  pro- 
posals formulated  therein  would  be  acceptable  to 
this  government. 

And  how  were  these  proposals  received  ?  The 
following  answer  was  sent  by  the  British  agent : 

"  Her  Majesty's  Agency, 

"Pretoria,  August  30,  1899. 
"  Sir  :  With  reference  to  your  notes  to  me  of  the 
19th  and  2 1  st  instant  I  have  to  state  to  you  that  Her 
Majesty's  Government  have  considered  the  pro- 
posals which  the  Government  of  the  South  African 
Republic  have  put  forward  therein  as  an  alternative 
to  those  contained  in  the  telegram  from  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  to  the  High  Commissioner  of  the  31st 
of  July  last,  the  substance  of  which  I  had  the  honor 


28  THE    STORY   OF    THE   BOERS. 

to  communicate  to  you   in   my  note  of   the  2d  of 
August. 

"  Her  Majesty's  Government  assume  that  the 
adoption  in  principle  of  the  franchise  proposals 
made  by  the  High  Commissioner  at  Bloemfontein 
will  not  be  hampered  by  any  conditions  which 
would  impair  their  effect,  and  that  by  the  proposed 
increase  of  seats  for  the  Gold  Fields  and  by  other 
provisions  the  Government  of  the  South  African 
Republic  intend  to  grant  immediate  and  substantial 
representation  of  the  Uitlanders. 

"That  being  so,  Her  Majesty's  Government  are 
unable  to  appreciate  the  objections  entertained  by 
the  Government  of  the  South  African  Republic  to  a 
Joint  Commission  of  Inquiry  into  the  complicated 
details  and  technical  questions  on  which  the  prac- 
tical effect  of  the  proposals  depends.  Her  Majesty's 
Government  will,  however,  be  ready  to  agree  that 
the  British  Agent,  assisted  by  such  other  persons  as 
the  High  Commissioner  may  appoint,  shall  make  the 
investigation  necessary  to  satisfy  them  that  the  re- 
sult desired  will  be  achieved,  and,  failing  this,  to 
enable  them  to  make  those  suggestions  which  the 
Government  of  the  South  African  Republic  state 
that  they  will  be  prepared  to  take  into  considera- 
tion. Her  Majesty's  Government  assume  that  every 
facility  will  be  given  to  the  British  Agent  by  the 
Government  of  the  South  African  Republic,  and 
they  would  point  out  that  the  inquiry  will  be  easier 
and  shorter  if  the  Government  of  the  South  African 
Republic  will  omit  in  the  proposed  new  Law  the 
complicated  conditions  as  to  previous  registration, 
qualification  and  behavior  which  accompanied  their 
previous  proposals  and  which  would  have  entirely 


TO   MAINTAIN   THEIR   INDEPENDENCE.     29 

nullified  their  beneficial  effect.  EJer  Majesty's 
Government  hope  that  the  Government  of  the 
South  African  Republic  will  wait  to  receive  their 
suggestions  founded  on  the  report  of  the  British 
Agent's  investigation  before  submitting  these  new- 
proposals  to  the  Volksraad  and  the  burghers. 

"  With  regard  to  the  conditions  of  the  Government 
of  the  South  African  Republic : 

41  First,  as  regards  intervention,  Her  Majesty's 
Government  hope  that  the  fulfilment  of  the  prom- 
ises made  and  the  just  treatment  of  the  Uitlanders 
in  future  will  render  unnecessary  any  further  inter- 
vention on  their  behalf,  but  Pier  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment cannot  of  course  debar  themselves  from  their 
rights  under  the  conventions,  nor  divest  themselves 
of  the  ordinary  obligations  of  any  civilized  power  to 
protect  its  subjects  in  a  foreign  country  from  injus- 
tice. 

"Secondly,  with  regard  to  Suzerainty,  Her  Maj- 
esty's Government  would  refer  the  Government  of 
the  South  African  Republic  to  the  second  paragraph 
of  the  despatch  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  the  High 
Commissioner  of  the  13th  of  July  last,  a  copy  of 
which  I  had  the  honor  to  forward  to  you  in  my  note 
of  the  8th  instant. 

"Thirdly,  Her  Majesty's  Government  agree  to  a 
discussion  of  the  form  and  scope  of  a  tribunal  of 
arbitration  from  which  foreigners  and  foreign  influ- 
ence are  excluded. 

"  Such  a  discussion,  which  will  be  of  the  highest 
importance  to  the  future  relations  of  the  two  coun- 
tries, should  be  carried  on  between  the  President  of 
the  South  African  Republic  and  the  High  Commis- 
sioner, and  for  this  it  appears  to  be  necessary  that  a 


30  THE    STORY    OF    THE    BOERS. 

further  Conference,  which  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment suggest  should  be  held  at  Cape  Town,  should 
be  at  once  arranged. 

"  Her  Majesty's  Government  also  desire  to  remind 
the  Government  of  the  South  African  Republic  that 
there  are  other  matters  of  difference  between  the 
two  governments  which  will  not  be  settled  by  the 
grant  of  political  representation  of  the  Uitlanders 
and  which  are  not  proper  subjects  for  reference  to 
arbitration.  It  is  necessary  that  these  should  be 
settled  concurrently  with  the  questions  now  under 
discussion,  and  they  will  form  with  the  question  of 
arbitration  proper  subjects  for  consideration  at  the 
proposed  conference. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  CONYNGHAM    GREENE. 

"*The  Honorable  the  State  Secretary." 

The  paragraph  in  the  despatch  of  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain to  Sir  Alfred  Milner,  of  July  13,  1899,  above 
referred  to,  reads  as  follows : 

"  Her  Majesty's  Government  concur  generally  in 
the  views  in  your  despatch  and  have  no  intention  of 
continuing  to  discuss  this  question  with  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Republic,  whose  contention  that  the 
South  African  Republic  is  a  sovereign  international 
State  is  not  in  their  opinion  warranted  either  by  law 
or  history,  and  is  wholly  inadmissible.  They  there- 
fore confine  themselves  to  a  very  brief  review  of  his- 
torical facts  and  of  the  opinions  and  intentions  of 
their  predecessors,  on  whose  advice  Her  Majesty 
was  pleased  to  grant — first  the  Pretoria  Convention 


TO   MAINTAIN    THE]  DEPENDENCE.     31 

and  later  the  London  Convention — as  shown  in  their 
official  statements  at  the  time." 

Was  this  an  acceptance  or  a  rejection  of  the  Boer 
proposals?  Mr.  Chamberlain  has  claimed  recently 
that  it  was  an  acceptance.  But  the  South  African 
Republic  took  it  for  a  refusal,  and  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain had  the  sad  courage  not  to  correct  this  wrong- 
interpretation  of  his  reply. 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  Boer  Government  had 
made  its  proposal  for  a  five  years'  retrospective  fran- 
chise, subject  to  three  conditions,  viz.,  Her  Majesty's 
Government : 

(a)  In  future  not  to  interfere  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  South  African  Republic. 

(b)  Not  to  insist  further  on  its  assertion  of  the 
existence  of  the  suzerainty. 

(c)  To  agree  to  arbitration. 

Now  we  see  that  the  answer  to  the  first  two  con- 
ditions was  no  answer  at  all,  and  that  the  half  affirm- 
ative answer  to  the  third  condition  was  deprived  of 
all  practical  value  by  the  additional  statement  that 
there  were  other  matters  of  difference  between  the 
two  Governments  "  which  are  not  proper  subjects 
for  reference  to  arbitration." 

If  this  answer  of  Mr.  Conyngham  Greene  was  not 
a  rejection  of  the  Boer  proposals — and  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain has  claimed  it  was  not — we  can  only  assur 
that  it  was  clothed  in  such  obscure  form  that  the 
Government  of  the  Republic  should  take  it  as  a  re- 
fusal. As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  so  taken,  and, 
under  date  of  September  2,  1899,  the  South  African 
Republic  withdrew  its  offer  of  a  five  years'  fran- 
chise, but  declared  its  willingness  to  continue  nego- 


32  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

tiations  on  the  basis  of  its  prior  proposals.  The 
subsequent  answer  of  the  British  agent,  under  date 
of  September  12,  1899,  says  that: 

*'  Her  Majesty's  Government  cannot  now  consent 
to  go  back  to  the  proposals  for  which  those  in  the 
note  of  the  Government  of  the  Republic  of  the  19th 
of  August  are  intended  as  a  substitute." 

And  he  ends  with  the  following  ultimatum : 

"  If,  however,  as  they  most  anxiously  hope  will  not 
be  the  case,  the  reply  of  the  Government  of  the 
South  African  Republic  is  negative  or  inconclusive, 
I  am  to  state  to  you  that  Her  Majesty's  Government 
must  reserve  to  themselves  the  right  to  reconsider 
the  situation  de  novo  and  to  formulate  their  own 
proposals  for  a  final  settlement." 

And  what  was  the  positive  and  conclusive  reply 
which  Her  Majesty's  Government  "  most  anxiously  " 
hoped  to  receive?  Nothing  more  or  less  than  that 
the  South  African  Republic  would  grant  the  five 
years'  retrospective  franchise  with  the  increased 
number  of  Rand  representatives  in  the  Volksraad, 
and  waive  the  three  conditions  enumerated  in  the 
letter  of  August  19th.  And  while  asking  the  South 
African  Republic  to  waive  the  conditions  under 
which  the  offer  was  made,  Mr.  Chamberlain 
deemed  it  advisable  to  make  some  conditions  him- 
self, both  of  them  humiliating  to  the  Boers,  and 
which  he  knew  could  not  possibly  be  accepted. 
These  British  conditions  were  that  an  inquiry 
should  be  made,  either  joint  or  unilateral,  "  that  the 
new  scheme  of  representation  will  not  be  encum- 
bered by  conditions  which  will  nullify  the  intention 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     33 

to  give  substantial  and  immediate  representation  to 
the  Uitlander";  and,  furthermore,  "Her  Majesty's 
Government  assume  that,  as  stated  to  the  British 
agent "  (which  was  never  done  either  officially  or 
confidentially),  "  the  new  members  of  the  Volksraad 
will  be  permitted  to  use  their  own  language."  And 
this  demand  was  made  by  the  same  Government  that, 
about  seventy-five  years  before,  had  denied  to  the 
Boers  the  use  of  their  own  language,  in  violation 
of  the  guarantees  given  at  the  time  of  the  transfer 
of  the  Cape  Colony  to  the  British  in  1806. 

The  most  important  condition  insisted  upon  by 
the  South  African  Republic,  in  connection  with  its 
offer  of  a  five  years'  franchise,  was  that  the  British 
Government  should  not  insist  further  on  its  asser- 
tion of  Suzerainty.  The  Boers  were  compelled  to 
make  this  a  "  conditio  sine  qua  non"  in  view  of  Mr. 
Chamberlain's  assertion  of  the  existence  of  British 
suzerainty.  In  regard  to  the  alleged  suzerainty,  it 
would  be  sufficient  to  call  our  readers'  attention  to 
the  London  Convention  of  1884,  the  full  text  of 
which,  and  also  of  the  Pretoria  and  Sand  River  con- 
ventions, are  given  in  this  book,  to  show  that  Mr. 
Chamberlain's  claim  was  totally  unjustifiable,  and 
that  the  South  African  Republic  was  then  and  is  still 
a  sovereign  and  independent  state.  This  is  the  status 
of  the  Republic,  notwithstanding  Article  4  of  that 
Convention  provided  that  the  South  African  Repub- 
lic would  conclude  no  treaty  with  any  state  or  nation, 
other  than  Orange  Free  State,  without  Her  Majes- 
ty's approval.  At  most,  this  was  no  more  than  a 
treaty  stipulation  between  two  sovereign  powers. 
The  present  war  has  ended  this  treaty. 

Mr.   Chamberlain  was  evidently  satisfied  that  he 
3 


34  THE    STORY  OF   THE   BOERS. 

could  not  base  his  assertion  of  the  existence  of  suze- 
rainty on  that  article  of  the  London  convention,  and 
he  therefore  made  the  discovery  that  only  the  arti- 
cles of  the  Pretoria  Convention  of  1881,  but  not  its 
preamble,  were  superseded  by  the  1884  Convention. 

This  novel  claim  was  for  the  first  time  set  up  in 
Mr.  Chamberlain's  despatch  of  October  16,  1897,  to 
the  High  Commissioner,  in  answer  to  the  proposal 
of  the  South  African  Republic  that  all  points  in 
dispute  between  the  two  Governments  relating  to 
the  convention  should  be  referred  to  arbitration,  the 
arbitrator  to  be  nominated  by  the  President  of  the 
Swiss  Republic. 

In  reply  to  this  proposal,  Mr.  Chamberlain  said: 

"  Finally,  the  Government  of  the  South  African 
Republic  propose  that  all  points  in  dispute  between 
Her  Majesty's  Government  and  themselves  relating 
to  the  Convention  should  be  referred  to  arbitration, 
the  arbitrator  to  be  nominated  by  the  President  of 
the  Swiss  Republic. 

"  In  making  this  proposal  the  Government  of  the 
South  African  Republic  appears  to  have  overlooked 
the  distinction  between  the  Conventions  of  1881  and 
1884  and  an  ordinary  treaty  between  two  independ- 
ent powers,  questions  arising  upon  which  may  prop- 
erly be  the  subject  of  arbitration. 

"  By  the  Pretoria  Convention  of  1881  Her  Majesty 
as  Sovereign  of  the  Transvaal  Territory  accorded  to 
the  inhabitants  of  that  territory  complete  self-gov- 
ernment subject  to  the  suzerainty  of  Her  Majesty, 
her  heirs  and  successors,  upon  certain  terms  and 
conditions  and  subject  to  certain  reservations  and 
limitations  set  forth  in  33  Articles,  and  by  the  Lon- 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     35 

don  Convention  of  1884  Her  Majesty,  while  main- 
taining the  preamble  of  the  earlier  instrument ', 
directed  and  declared  that  certain  other  articles 
embodied  therein  should  be  substituted  for  the  arti- 
cles embodied  in  the  Convention  of  1881.  The  arti- 
cles of  the  Convention  of  1SS1  were  accepted  by  the 
Volksraad  of  the  Transvaal  State  and  those  of  the 
Convention  of  1884  by  the  Volksraad  of  the  South 
African  Republic. 

"  Under  these  conventions,  therefore,  Her  Majesty 
holds  towards  the  South  African  Republic  the  rela- 
tion of  a  suzerain  who  has  accorded  to  the  people  of 
that  Republic  self-government  upon  certain  condi- 
tions, and  it  would  be  incompatible  with  that  posi- 
tion to  submit  to  arbitration  the  construction  of  the 
conditions  on  which  she  accorded  self-government 
to  the  Republic." 

Mr.  Chamberlain  has  since  insistently  adhered  to 
his  contention,  and  in  his  subsequent  despatches  he 
has  always  referred  to  the  conventions  between  Her 
Majesty's  Government  and  the  South  African  Re- 
public, evidently  meaning  the  London  Convention  of 
1884  and  the  Pretoria  Convention  of  1881. 

Now  it  is  a  fact  beyond  question  that  the  principle 
of  suzerainty  as  laid  down  in  the  1881  Convention 
was  from  the  very  start  the  main  cause  of  the  objec- 
tion on  the  Boer  side.  This  objection  was  clearly 
expressed  by  the  Transvaal  deputation  in  its  letter 
of  November  14,  1883,  to  Lord  Derby,  at  that  time 
Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  and  it  was  for 
this  very  reason  that  it  was  then  asked  that  the 
Sand  River  Convention  of  1852  be  restored  in  force. 
In  his  reply  of  November    20,    1S83,    Lord  Derby 


36  THE    STORY    OF    THE    BOERS. 

stated  "  that  it  is  not  possible  to  entertain  the  sug- 
gestion that  the  Sand  River  Convention  has  now 
any  vitality,  as  that,  if  it  could  be  revised,  it  would 
meet  the  requirements  of  the  present  case. "  "  That 
Convention,"  Lord  Derby  further  writes,  "like  the 
Convention  of  Pretoria,  was  not  a  treaty  between  two 
contracting  Powers,  but  was  a  declaration  by  the 
Queen,  and  accepted  by  certain  persons  at  that  time 
her  subjects,  of  the  conditions  under  which,  and  the 
extent  to  which,  Her  Majesty  could  permit  them  to 
manage  their  own  affairs  without  interference." 

Could  the  difference  between  the  Convention  of 
1 88 1  and  the  new  Convention  under  discussion  be 
more  distinctly  expressed?  And  still,  notwithstand- 
ing this  clear  statement,  Mr.  Chamberlain  now  holds 
that  the  preamble  of  the  1881  Convention,  which  gives 
it  the  character  of  the  one-sided  "  declaration  by  the 
Queen,"  is  still  in  existence. 

Again,  in  his  letter  of  February  15,  1884,  trans- 
mitting the  draft  of  the  new  Convention,  Lord  Derby 
says: 

"  By  the  omission  of  those  Articles  of  the  Conven- 
tion of  Pretoria  which  assigned  to  Her  Majesty  and 
to  the  British  resident  certain  specific  powers  and 
functions  connected  with  the  internal  government 
and  the  foreign  relations  of  the  Transvaal  State, 
your  Government  will  be  left  free  to  govern  the 
country  without  interference,  and  to  conduct  its  di- 
plomatic intercourse  and  shape  its  foreign  policy 
subject  only  to  the  requirement  embodied  in  the 
fourth  article  of  the  new  draft,  that  any  treaty  with 
a  foreign  state  shall  not  have  effect  without  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Queen." 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     17 

We  print  below  the  first  page  of  the  draft  of 
the  new  Convention,  as  transmitted  with  Lord  Der- 
by's letter,  and  eall  special  attention  to  the  head 
note. 

A  Convention  Concluded  between  Her  Majesty 
the  Queen,  &c,  &c,  and  the  South  Afri- 
can Republic. 

Note. —  The  words  and  paragraphs  bracketed  or 
printed  ui  italics  arc  proposed  to  be  inserted,  those 
within  a  black  line  are  proposed  to  be  omitted. 


Her  Majesty's  Commissioners  for  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Transvaal  Territory,  duly  appointed 
as  such  by  a  Commission  passed  under  the  R<  >ya1 
Sign  Manual  and  Signet,  bearing  date  the  5th 
of  April,  1 SS 1,  do  hereby  undertake  and  guaran- 
tee, on  behalf  of  Her  Majesty,  that  from  and 
after  the  8th  day  of  August,  1SS1,  complete  self- 
government,  subject  to  the  suzerainty  of  Her 
Majesty,  Her  Heir  and  Successors,  will  be  ac- 
corded to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Transvaal  Ter- 
ritory, upon  the  following  terms  and  conditions, 
and  subject  to  the  following  reservations  and 
limitations: 


Whereas,  the  Government  of  the  Transvaal 
State,  through  its  Delegates,  consisting  of  Ste- 
phanus  Johannes  Paulus  Kruger,  President  of 
the  said  State ;  Stephanus  Johannes  Du  Toit, 
Superintendent  of  Education;    Nicholas  Jacobus 


38  THE   STORY   OF   THE    BOERS. 

(  Smit,   a  member  of  the  Volksraad,   have  repre- 
sented to  the  Queen  that  the  Convention  signed 
at  Pretoria  on  the  3rd  day  of  August,  1881,  and 
ratified    by  the  Volksraad  of   the  said  State  on 
the  25th  October,  1881,  contains  certain  provis- 
ions which  are   inconvenient,    and  imposes  bur- 
dens and  obligations  from  which  the  said  State 
is  desirous  to  be   relieved;    and  that  the  south- 
western   boundaries  fixed    by   the   said  Conven- 
tion should   be   amended,   with   a  view   to  pro- 
mote the  peace  and  good  order  of  the  said  State, 
and   of    the    countries    adjacent     thereto;     and 
whereas  Her  Majesty  the  Queen,  &c,  &c,  has 
been    pleased    to   take    the    said  representations 
into    consideration:     Now,   therefore,    Her  Maj- 
esty has  been  pleased  to  direct,  and  it  is  hereby 
declared,  that    the  following  articles   of   a  new 
Convention,   signed   on    behalf   of  Her  Majesty 
by  Her  Majesty's  High  Commissioner  in  South 
Africa,     the     Right     Honorable     Sir     Hercules 
George    Robert  Robinson,    Knight  Grand  Cross 
of    the     Most     Distinguished    Order    of     Saint 
Michael  and  Saint  George,  Governor  of  the  Col- 
ony of  the  Cape  of   Good  Hope,  and  on  behalf 
of  the  Transvaal  State  (which  shall  herein-after 
be    called    the   South  African  Republic)   by  the 
above-named     Delegates,     Stephanus     Johannes 
Paulus    Kruger,   Stephanus   Johannes    Du   Toit, 
Nicholas  Jacobus  Smit,  shall,   when    ratified   by 
the  Volksraad   of   the  South  African    Republic, 
be  substituted  for  the  articles  embodied  in  the 
Convention  of  3rd  August,    1881;    which    latter, 
pending  such  ratification,  shall  continue  in  full 
.  force  and  effect. 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     39 

We  see  that  immediately  below  the  head  note  fol- 
lowed the  preamble  to  the  i  invention,  and  that 
this  preamble  was  within  a  black  line,  and  conse- 
quently to  be  omitted.  And  still  Mr.  Chamberlain 
claims  that  this  preamble  is  now  in  foree,  and  on  this 
contention  he  has  gone  to  war  with  the  South  Afri- 
can Republic! 

It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  by  the  1884  Convention 
the  name  of  Transvaal  State  was  changed  into  the 
South  African  Republic,  in  accordance  with  the 
wishes  of  the  deputation.  The  only  reason  for  this 
change  was  that  the  deputation  desired  to  emphasize 
the  difference  between  the  status  of  their  country 
under  the  1881  and  the  1884  Conventions. 

In  submitting  the  1884  treaty  to  the  Volksraad 
for  ratification,  the  deputation  said  in  its  report  of 
July  28,  1884: 

"  It  (the  treaty)  is  entirely  bilateral,  and  your  dep- 
utation was  not  placed  in  the  humiliating  situation  of 
receiving  from  a  Suzerain  Government  a  one-sided 
document  containing  rules  and  provisions,  but  was 
recognized  as  a  free  contracting  party. 

"  It  (the  treaty)  therefore  ends  the  British  Suze- 
rainty and  restores,  with  the  official  recognition  of 
her  name,  complete  self-government  to  the  South 
African  Republic,  with  one  single  limitation  regard- 
ing the  conclusion  of  treaties  with  foreign  Powers 
(Art.  4)." 

The  British  Government  never  entered  any  pro- 
test against  this  interpretation  of  the  1884  Conven- 
tion, as  it  would  have  been  in  duty  bound  to  do,  if 
in  its  opinion  this  Boer  interpretation  had  been 
wrong. 


40      THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

As  well  might  the  United  States  claim  suzerainty 
over  the  South  American  republics,  because  under 
the  Monroe  doctrine  the  former  deny  the  right  of 
European  Powers  to  make  conventions  with  them 
for  territorial  acquisitions  on  our  continent. 

From  the  foregoing  it  is  plain  that  the  South 
African  Republic  is  a  sovereign  and  independent 
state,  and  Great  Britain  has  more  than  once  admit- 
ted this  status  of  the  Republic  prior  to  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain's discovery  of  1897,  and  notably  so  in  the 
convention  concluded  with  the  South  African  Re- 
public in  1894,  whereby  Swaziland  was  placed  un- 
der the  protectorate  of  the  Republic.  Who  ever 
heard  of  a  vassal  state  being  made  the  protector  of 
foreign  territory?  It  was  in  accordance  with  the 
treaty  of  1884,  and  shortly  after  its  ratification,  that 
Jonkheer  Beelaerts  van  Blokland  was  recognized  by 
Great  Britain  as  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the 
South  African  Republic,  and  held  that  position  until 
his  death  in  1894.  Moreover,  the  South  African 
Republic  appointed  consuls  throughout  Europe,  and 
the  consul-general  in  London  and  consul  in  Durban 
were  each  granted  exequatur  by  the  British  Govern- 
ment, and  the  latter  has  likewise  asked  exequatur 
for  the  British  consuls  in  the  Republic. 

Another  proof  of  its  recognized  sovereignty  is  that 
the  Republic  is  admitted  into  the  Postal  Union,  and 
is  also  a  member  of  the  Convention  of  Geneva. 
Furthermore,  our  own  Government  as  well  also  as 
other  Powers  has  been  officially  notified  that  there 
exists  a  state  of  war  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
two  South  African  Republics.  Now,  in  view  of  the 
generally  admitted  doctrine  that  there  cannot  be  a 
state  of  war  between  a  suzerain  and  its  vassal,  Great 


TO   MAINTAIN   THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.    41 

Britain  in  the  face  of  this  notice  necessarily  with- 
draws its  claims  of  vassalage  of  the  South  African 
Republic,  and  it  will  require  all  of  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain's eloquence  to  explain  away  the  inconsistency 
between  this  notice  of  public  war  and  his  claim  of 
suzerainty.  Furthermore,  our  own  Government  and 
other  Powers  have  also  appointed  consuls  to  and 
received  exequaturs  from  the  Government  of  the 
South  African  Republic. 

Still  stronger  evidence  of  independent  sovereignty 
is  the  fact  that  the  United  States  consul  at  Pretoria 
is  now  acting  in  a  protectorate  capacity  for  British 
subjects;  and,  be  it  remembered,  that  this  is  at  the 
special  request  of  and  as  a  matter  of  international 
courtesy  to  the  British  Government  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States,  and  by  order  of  our  courteous 
Secretary  of  State  to  that  consul.  Furthermore,  it 
is  well  known  that  by  international  law,  even  with 
all  these  dealings  between  our  Government  and  that 
of  Great  Britain,  the  American  consul  at  Pretoria 
could  not  act  in  such  capacity  without  the  consent 
of  the  Government  of  the  South  African  Republic, 
which  could  at  any  time  withdraw  his  exquatur. 

Taking  all  these  facts  into  consideration,  it  is  plain 
that  there  cannot  be  any  question  of  suzerainty,  and 
that  the  South  African  Republic  was  and  is  a  sovcr 
eign  independent  state. 

The  American  monthly  Review  of  Reviews,  one 
of  the  foremost  magazines  in  this  country,  published 
in  its  "  Leading  Articles  of  the  Month  "  (November 
number)  under  the  title,  "  Mr.  Chamberlain's  Diplo- 
macy," the  following: 

" '  Diplomaticus  '    writes,   in    the    FortnigJitly   A'  - 


42  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

view  for  October,  on  '  Mr.  Chamberlain's  Mistakes.' 
This  writer  especially  censures  Mr.  Chamberlain  for 
putting  forward  a  claim  to  the  suzerainty  of  1881 : 

"  '  Never, '  says  '  Diplomaticus, '  '  was  a  good  cause 
compromised  in  a  more  unhappy  and  gratuitous 
fashion.  To  have  raised  this  question  at  any  time 
would  have  been  unwise  and  superfluous,  but  to  do 
it  at  a  time  when  the  first  object  of  statesmanship 
was  avowedly  to  solve  the  franchise  question  was  a 
fatal  and  unpardonable  blunder.  The  claim  was 
not  only  of  very  doubtful  value,  but  it  is  absolutely 
futile  and  unprofitable.  There  was  absolutely  no 
necessity  for  raising  it.  Even  if  the  whole  of  Mr. 
Chamberlain's  case  were  granted,  the  suzerainty  for 
which  he  contends  is  an  empty  thing.  It  would  not 
give  us  a  single  right  or  advantage  we  do  not  already 
possess  or  which  was  not  amply  secured  to  us.  The 
word  alone,  as  used  in  the  1881  preamble,  has  no 
effective  meaning. 

"  '  A  Grave  Error. 

"'  But  the  worst  of  Mr.  Chamberlain's  blunder  in 
putting  forward  this  doubtful  and  unnecessary  con- 
tention is  that  he  thereby  prejudiced  the  chances  of 
an  amicable  settlement  of  the  franchise  question, 
inasmuch  as  he  embittered  the  Boers  and  gave  them 
a  grievance  with  which  to  appeal  not  only  to  Dutch 
sympathy,  but  to  the  sympathy  of  not  a  few  leaders 
of  public  opinion  in  Europe.  The  extraordinary 
thing  is  that  it  was  not  raised  in  the  heat  of  any  con- 
troversy, but  in  the  full  tide  of  Sir  Milner's  concilia- 
tory mission  and  before  the  High  Commissioner  had 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  diplomacy  was  useless 


TO  MAINTAIN'   THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.    43 

to  liberate  the  Qitlanders  and  the  moment  for  inter- 
vention had  arrived.  Mr.  Chamb  rlain  did  not 
dream  of  it  at  the  time  of  the  raid,  for  when,  in  the 
negotiations  which  followed  that  deplorable  act  of 
folly,  President  Kruger  referred  to  newspaper  theo- 
ries on  the  subject  and  declared  roundly  that  the 
suzerainty  "  no  longer  exists  "he  abstained  from  con- 
troverting him  and  correctly  took  his  stand  by  Arti- 
cle IV.  It  was  in  October,  1897,  that,  in  answer  to 
proposals  for  a  scheme  of  arbitration  to  settle  all 
disputes  between  Pretoria  and  Downing  Street,  Mr. 
Chamberlain,  for  the  first  time  for  thirteen  years, 
asserted  the  existence  of  the  suzerainty  in  virtue  of 
the  1 88 1  preamble.  The  Transvaal  repudiated  the 
claim,  and  Sir  Alfred  Milner  himself,  following  in 
the  traditions  of  Sir  Hercules  Robinson  and  Lord 
Derby,  was  "unable  to  see  anything  material  in  this 
controversy."  Nevertheless  the  Colonial  Secretary 
persisted  in  it,  with  the  result  that,  on  May  9th  of 
the  present  year,  he  received  a  note  from  Mr.  Reitz, 
the  ill-temper  of  which  is  apparent  in  every  line,  and 
especially  in  the  extravagance  and  defiance  of  the 
claim  that  the  South  African  Republic  is  a  "  sover- 
eign international  State. " 

" 4  It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  this  ill-temper. 
The  Boers  honestly  believed  that  in  1S84  their 
diplomacy  had  obtained  the  revocation  of  the  1SS1 
preamble.  Now,  on  the  morrow  of  the  raid  and  on 
the  eve  of  a  fresh  Uitlander  campaign,  when  they 
had  hoped  to  bargain  for  a  further  extension  of  their 
independence,  they  found  themselves  confronted  by 
what  they  regarded  as  an  attempt  to  reduce  them  to 
the  status  of  the  1881  Convention.  It  was  under  this 
aggrieved  impression  that  they  went  into  the  Bloem- 


44  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

fontein  conference.  Can  we  wonder  that  the  meet- 
ing failed?  How  Mr.  Chamberlain  came  to  play 
this  trump  card  into  Mr.  Kruger's  hands  passes  my 
comprehension.  The  effect  of  the  blunder  is,  how- 
ever, clear,  for  if  we  have  war  it  will  not  be  on  the 
question  of  a  seven  or  five  years'  franchise,  but,  so 
far  as  Dutch  public  feeling  is  concerned,  mainly  on 
the  question  of  the  suzerainty.'  " 

Besides  the  clamor  for  franchise,  the  Uitlanders 
had  a  great  many  other  "grievances,"  some  of  them 
of  so  puerile  a  character  that  it  can  be  hardly  un- 
derstood how  they  could  have  been  seriously  brought 
forward.  "Those  poor,  oppressed  Uitlanders,"  who 
claimed  that  they  came  to  the  Republic  on  the  "in- 
vitation "  of  the  Government,  thereby  implying  that 
they  would  not  have  come  in  the  absence  of  such  in- 
vitation! As  if  it  ever  needed  an  invitation  to  the 
class  of  people  who  principally  compose  the  popula- 
tion of  mining  camps,  to  come  to  any  gold-produc- 
ing country.  We  know  better;  we  know  what 
hardships  adventurous  mining  people  will  endure  in 
their  hunt  for  the  yellow  metal ;  and  we  know  that 
not  only  is  no  invitation  required,  but  they  will  flock 
to  such  a  country,  notwithstanding  any  and  all  cau- 
tions, warnings,  and  dangers. 

The  "cruel  Boers"  did  not  thank  them  for  com- 
ing. They  did  not  give  at  once  these  adventurers 
the  franchise !  They  did  not  offer  these  Uitlanders 
the  so-much-coveted  citizenship  of  their  Republic — 
in  other  words,  did  not  extend  to  these  strangers  the 
privilege  to  rule  the  country  of  the  Boers  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  Cecil  Rhodes  and  others  of 
his  ilk!     Just  imagine  how  anxious  men  like  Alfred 


TO   MAINTAIN'    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     45 

Beit,  Robinson,  John  Hays  Hammond,  and  the  like 
must  have  been  to  become  burghers  and  to  be  com- 
mandered  into  the  Boer  army,  to  serve  the  South 
African  Republic  without  pay,  in  ease  of  war' 

The  fact  is  that  only  an  insignificant,  small  per- 
centage of  these  Uitlanders  came  to  the  Republic 
with  any  purpose  of  staying  there.  The  English 
Uitlanders  wanted  the  franchise,  not  for  the  sake  of 
the  country,  which  they  would  not  adopt  as  their 
own,  but  only  for  their  own  nefarious  purpose.  Yet 
the  Boer  Government  was  willing,  for  the  sake  of 
peace,  to  run  the  risk  and  to  give  them  the  fran- 
chise. But,  as  above  shown,  that  offer,  made  as  it 
was  upon  the  suggestion  of  the  British  Government 
itself,  was  rejected  by  this  Government  and  the  re- 
jection was  accompanied  by  demands  for  further 
concessions! 

As  an  illustration  of  the  "liberality"  shown  by 
British  colonial  authorities,  we  might  recall  that  at 
the  very  same  moment  these  oppressed  Uitlanders 
were  complaining,  3,000  Dutch  residents  of  British 
Guiana,  born  on  its  soil  and  about  equal  in  number 
to  the  British  subjects  in  that  colony,  were  and  still 
are  not  entitled  to  hold  an  office  under  either  the  ex- 
ecutive, legislative,  or  judicial  branches  of  the  Colo- 
nial Government. 

Then  we  have  the  cry  of  "  taxation  without  repre- 
sentation." What  is  the  rate  of  taxation  of  Ameri- 
can mines  in  that  part  of  Alaska  claimed  by  England 
as  British  territory,  and  what  representation  have 
they? 

That  the  Uitlander,  who  bought  mineral  property 
and  became  rich,  has  to  pay  taxes,  is  no  more  than 
reasonable,  and  that  the  English  pay  a  large  share 


46  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

no  one  denies ;  but  that  does  not  indicate  that  they 
have  any  right  to  dictate  to  the  lawmakers  to  make 
laws  to  suit  them.  The  Boer  Government  had  al- 
ways been  courteous  and  ready  to  listen  to  the  rea- 
sonable demands  of  this  floating  population,  and  it 
is  admitted  that  the  laws  and  taxation  are  as  liberal 
as  those  of  any  other  country.  Does  not  the  British 
Government  itself,  and  its  Colonial  Government  also, 
deny  to  denizens,  of  however  long  residence,  the  elec- 
tion franchise,  and  compel  them  to  pay  taxes  at 
whatever  rates  the  Parliament  and  Colonial  legisla- 
tures are  pleased  to  exact? 

Moreover,  the  taxes  levied  on  the  Uitlanders  are 
exactly  the  same  as  those  levied  on  the  burghers, 
and  if  the  former  have  paid  more  it  only  shows  that 
they  soon  became  possessed  of  more  assessable  prop- 
erty. The  taxes  levied  on  the  gold  mines  by  the 
Republic  were  only  2.5  per  cent,  on  the  production; 
in  the  British  Klondike  it  is  10  per  cent. ;  and  in 
Rhodesia,  under  the  benevolent  rule  of  that  great 
philanthropist,  Cecil  Rhodes,  it  is  even  50  per  cent. 
It  may  be  remarked  here  that  no  large  quantities  of 
gold  are  found  in  Rhodesia,  and  that  this  is  one  of 
the  very  evident  reasons  why  Mr.  Rhodes  and  his 
company  are  so  anxious  to  take  in  the  South  Afri- 
can Republic  under  their  own  special  suzerainty. 

Another  crying  injustice  to  the  Uitlander  was  the 
dynamite  monopoly.  Certainly  we  are  no  friends 
of  monopolies,  but  we  desire  to  submit  that  Presi- 
dent Kruger  had  very  good  reasons  for  preferring 
that  dynamite  be  made  in  his  own  country.  Fur- 
thermore, the  price  as  it  was  reduced  was  hardly 
higher  than  the  cost  of  the  imported  article  with 
the  cost  of  transportation  and  duty  added  thereto, 


TO    '  :  A.IN El  DENCE.    47 

and  it  certainly   was    not   higher    than    the   prices 
charged  at  Kimberley  and  in  Rhodesia. 

Another  "  grievance  "  of  the  Uitlander  was  the  lan- 
guage of  the  South  African  Republic. 

The  British  demanded  that  the  English  language 
should  be  made  the  official  language  on  equal  fo< 
ing  with  the  Dutch.  Because  in  the  Johannes':.; 
district  there  lived  more  English-speaking  people 
than  in  other  parts  of  the  Republic,  they  wished  to 
make  their  own  language  the  official  one.  Does  not 
such  a  demand  seem  ridiculous?  As  a  rule,  the  offi- 
cials of  the  Government  understand  both  English 
and  Dutch,  and  the  Uitlanders  never  found  any 
difficulty  in  carrying  on  their  business  in  their  own 
language. 

What  an  absurd  claim  of  grievance  this  is,  and  is 
it  not  the  universal  custom  that  instruction  in 
schools,  supported  by  the  Government,  should  be 
given  in  the  language  of  the  country?  Does,  for 
instance,  the  English  Government  support  any 
schools  in  Great  Britain  where  instruction  is  given 
in  Dutch  or  other  foreign  language?  But  even  in 
this  respect  the  Boer  Government  has  shown  its 
extreme  liberality  by  paying  subsidies  for  English 
schools  in  the  gold  fields. 

The  Uitlanders  further  complained  that  their 
right  of  free  speech  and  of  holding  meetings  was  not 
respected.  This  is  wholly  untrue.  The  authorities 
very  wisely  prohibited  the  holding  of  meetings  when 
rebellion  against  the  Government  was  openly 
preached,  and  for  the  same  reason  they  did  not  al- 
low the  class  of  people  who  resorted  to  such  meet- 
ings to  carry  weapons. 

There   are   still  a  great  many  other  grievances, 


48      THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

most  of  them  too  puerile  to  deserve  mention,  but  we 
wish  with  a  single  word  to  refer  to  one  of  the  com- 
plaints, brought  forward  by  a  man  of  standing,  Mr. 
Fitzpatrick,  Secretary  of  the  Uitlander  Committee. 
Mr.  Fitzpatrick  felt  that  his  rights  as  a  free-born 
British  subject  were  grievously  infringed  by  a  de- 
cree issued  by  the  Boer  Government,  forbidding  the 
employment  of  barmaids  in  Johannesburg.  We 
must  admit  that  this  barbarous  decree  fully  shows 
that  the  Boers  have  not  the  slightest  appreciation  of 
the  blessings  of  British  civilization  of  that  kind. 

One  of  the  "sorely  oppressed"  Uitlanders  is  now 
travelling  through  this  country  denouncing  the 
Boers,  and  even  using  churches  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  his  false  statements  before  the  public. 
This  is  his  mode  of  acknowledging  the  magnanimity 
shown  him  by  President  Kruger.  I  refer  to  Mr. 
John  Hays  Hammond,  who  has  recently  demon- 
strated in  figures  how  much  more  profit  the  mine 
owners  could  make  if  the  Republic  were  to  be  swal- 
lowed up  by  the  British  Empire.  One  of  his  argu- 
ments is  that  the  Boer  Government  does  not  furnish 
sufficient  native  laborers  for  the  gold  mines  and  that 
the  wages  are  too  high.  Under  British  rule  this 
would  soon  be  changed  for  the  benefit  of  the  Uit- 
lander capitalist.  There  would  be  more  laborers 
and  the  wages  of  the  natives  would  be  reduced. 
This  is  indeed  an  argument  that  should  strongly 
appeal  to  the  American  public !  It  is  no  more  ridic- 
ulous than  the  other  British  arguments,  all  based  on 
greed. 

We  may  ask  here  in  what  manner  Mr.  Hammond 
proposes  to  supply  the  increased  number  of  natives. 
By  compulsory  laws?     And  this  under  the  highly 


TO   MAINTAIN'    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.    49 

civilized  British  Government,   which  is    always 
anxious  to   protect  the  natives  against   the   Boers, 
who,  according  to  English  slanderers,  are  nothing 
but  "concealed  slave-holders"! 

Mr.  Hammond  is  a  perambulating  monument  of 
Boer  clemency.  He  was  arrested  after  the  Jameson 
Raid  and  sentenced  to  death  as  one  of  the  instigators 
of  this  infamous  conspiracy,  which  was  condemned 
by  the  whole  civilized  world.  President  Kruger 
magnanimously  changed  his  sentence  to  a  fine.  But 
the  fact  remains  that  this  man,  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  assisted  the  subjects  of  a  European 
monarchy  in  their  attempt  to  trample  down  the  flag 
of  a  republic.  My  fellow-citizens,  can  you  put  any 
value  upon  the  statements  of  such  a  man? 

All  these  "  grievances  "  and  a  great  many  others 
equally  frivolous  were  taken  up  by  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain and  made  the  subject  of  official  remonstrations 
lodged  with  the  Boer  Government.  And  yet  all  the 
time  Mr.  Chamberlain  disclaimed  any  intention  to 
interfere  with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Republic! 
Of  course,  his  only  purpose  was  to  exasperate  the 
Boers,  to  drive  them  into  a  war  in  which  he  fondly 
hoped  to  blot  out  the  two  Republics  from  the  map  of 
Africa.  The  Boers  became  soon  firmly  convinced 
that  the  final  struggle  was  coming,  and  that  no 
amount  of  concessions  would  avail.  They  knew  that 
triumvirate  Rhodes,  Milner,  and  Chamberlain  were 
bound  to  annex  the  Transvaal,  and  President  Kruger 
and  his  people  prepared  to  defend  their  land,  their 
homes,  and  firesides. 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  South  African  League, 
a  petition  signed  by  "  21,000  "  alleged  English  sub- 
jects was  sent  to  the  Queen,  asking  Her  Majesty's 


50  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

interference.  This  was,  of  course,  a  new  pretext 
for  Mr.  Chamberlain  to  become  more  persistent  in 
his  interference  and  to  change  his  requests  for  con- 
cessions into  demands. 

Let  me  here  pause  a  moment  to  show  how  the 
21,000  signatures  to  this  "  petition  "  were  obtained. 

The  following  sworn  affidavit  from  an  American 
citizen,  selected  from  the  many  similar  documents 
published  in  the  South  African  Republic  Green  Book, 
and  submitted  to  the  High  Commissioner  at  the 
Bloemfontein  Conference,  will  serve  as  an  illustra- 
tion: 

Appearing  before  me,  Justice  of  the  Peace  in  Jo- 
hannesburg, South  African  Republic,  this  day,  the 
24th  of  April,  1899,  Thomas  Bernard  Regan  swears 
and  declares: 

"  I  live  at  33  Critic  Building,  Johannesburg,  and  I 
am  an  American  citizen.  Some  time  ago,  before  it 
became  known  that  there  was  to  be  sent  a  petition 
to  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  England,  claiming  that 
it  contained  21,000  signatures,  a  certain  Alexander 
A.  Banier  approached  me  with  a  few  sheets  of  blank 
paper,  with  some  numbers  of  pages  on  the  top,  ask- 
ing me  to  sign  a  petition.  I  asked  him  to  show  me 
the  petition,  and  he  answered  that  he  had  not  the 
petition  with  him,  but  that  the  contents  were  to  ask 
the  British  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  the  Trans- 
vaal. I  refused  to  sign.  He  remained  in  my  pres- 
ence and  approached  a  Mr.  Schimmelbusch,  asking 
him  the  same  question.  I  overheard  the  conversa- 
tion, and  among  other  things,  Schimmelbusch  said : 
'  How  do  I  know  that  I  am  not  signing  my  death 
warrant? '     I  was  curious  and  gave  all  my  attention 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    [NDEPENDENCE.     51 

to  the  incident.  I  saw  that  Banicr  went  to  a  table, 
sat  clown  and  commenced  to  write.  Afterwards  he- 
rose  from  the  table  and  showed  me  the  same  sheets 
of  paper.  I  discovered  that  they  were  now  filled 
with  from  ten  to  fifteen  names.  When  he  showed 
this  to  me,  he  said:  4  How's  that"-1  '  I  looked  at  him 
and  his  papers  with  astonishment.  I  swear  positive 
that  it  had  been  utterly  impossible  to  get  these  sig- 
natures and  I  am  convinced  that  these  names  were 
forgeries." 

Signed:  T.  B.   Regan. 

Sworn  before  me, 

Signed:         Smuts  de  Villiers, 

Justice  of  the  Peace. 

A  counter  petition,  genuinely  signed  by  23,000 
Uitlanders,  who  declared  their  loyalty  to  the  South 
African  Republic  Government,  was  simply  ignored 
by  Mr.  Chamberlain  and  contemptuously  brushed 
aside. 

I  think  that  it  is  now  clear  to  every  reader  of  this 
book  that  Mr.  Chamberlain  and  his  followers  had 
made  up  their  mind,  long  before  the  Boers  took  up 
the  arms  to  defend  their  rights,  that  the  South  Afri- 
can Republic,  and  incidently  the  Orange  Free  State, 
had  to  be  conquered,  and  that  no  concessions  on  the 
part  of  the  Boers  would  have  prevented  the  consum- 
mation of  that  dastardly  scheme.  In  the  mean  time, 
and  previous  to  the  negotiations  already  mentioned, 
war  preparations  were  going  on  and  a  cry  for  war 
was  heard  in  the  English  Parliament.  To  gain  time 
until  the  British  Government  had  a  sufficient  army 
landed  so  as  to  dictate  to  the  Boers  its  own  terms, 
was  the  purpose  of  the  British  negotiations.     The 


52  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

Government  at  Pretoria  waited  for  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain's "new  proposals"  until  October  9th,  after 
which  they  demanded  a  withdrawal  of  the  British 
troops  from  the  borders  of  both  Republics  and  that 
the  despatch  of  troops  to  South  Africa,  pending  the 
negotiations,  should  stop.  Again  the  Government 
of  the  South  African  Republic  pleaded  for  arbitra- 
tion, and  it  was  ready  to  name  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  or  the  Republic  of  Switzerland  as 
the  arbitrator;  but  the  plea  was  ignored.  Is  not 
this  fact  of  itself  sufficient  to  convince  every  impar- 
tial person  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  of  the  Boers, 
that  they  were  anxious  to  arbitrate  and  let  others 
decide  upon  the  question,  who  is  in  the  wrong? 
Would  not  that  have  been  the  honest  way  out  of  the 
difficulties? 

My  fellow-citizens,  judge  for  yourselves,  what 
could  the  two  Republics  do  under  these  circum- 
stances? There  was  nothing  else  to  be  done  than 
to  call  the  burghers  to  arms  for  the  defence  of  their 
liberty,  their  independence,  and  their  homes  from 
ruthless  foreign  invasion.  The  war  was  forced  upon 
them  by  a  powerful  and  relentless  foe,  whose  creed 
is  that  "might  makes  right,"  and  who  is  bent  upon 
the  conquest  of  weaker  nations  wherever  opportu- 
nity may  safely  offer.  The  Boers  have  made  all  the 
concessions  they  could  make,  far  more  than  any  peo- 
ple on  earth  could  be  expected  to  make  in  like  case. 

Would  not  it  have  been  an  unpardonable  mistake 
on  the  part  of  President  Kruger  to  tarry  any  longer 
after  such  gross  denials  of  common  justice  by  the 
British  Government?  Perhaps  he  waited  too  long, 
but  up  to  the  last  moment  he  tried  honestly  to  pre- 
vent the  terrible  war  that  has  already  cast  the  shadow 


TO   MAINTAIN   THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     53 

of  death  into  so  man}-  homes  in  both  countries.  It 
is  due  to  Mr.  Conyngham  Greene,  the  British  agent 
at  Pretoria,  to  state  that  he  also  worked  for  peace  up 
to  the  last  moment,  and  it  is  a  fact  that  Messrs. 
Chamberlain  and  Milner  have  not  forgiven  Mr. 
Greene  for  his  honorable  efforts.  He  is  now  in  dis- 
grace, so  far  as  his  government  is  concerned. 

It  is  plain  to  everybody  who  is  reasonably  well 
informed  that  Messrs.  Chamberlain  and  Milner  have 
in  effect  openly  admitted  that  the  war  in  South 
Africa  is  not  started  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
redress  for  the  grievances  of  the  Uitlanders.  Mr. 
Chamberlain  has  spoken  of  the  "  dangerous  ideals  of 
the  two  Dutch  Republics,"  and  Mr.  Milner  has  dis- 
tinctly stated  that  he  was  determined  to  "  break  the 
dominion  of  Afrikandcrdom. " 

And  what  were  these  dangerous  ideals  of  the  two 
Republics?  Simply  the  determination  of  the  Boers 
to  maintain  their  independence  and  liberty  and  to 
uphold  their  Dutch  character.  Is  this  a  sin  against 
civilization?  Have  not  the  Boers  always  been  the 
pioneers  of  civilization  in  South  Africa?  It  was 
they  who  first  opened  that  region  of  country  to 
commerce.  Their  natural  desire  to  gather  the  fruits 
of  their  own  toil,  paid  for  in  blood  and  tears,  is  now 
called  "a  dangerous  ideal."  Has  not  England  hail 
time  and  again  every  possible  chance  to  reconcile  the 
Dutch  element  in  this  region  to  British  dominion? 
And  what  do  we  see?  For  almost  a  century  the 
Cape  Colony  has  been  under  English  rule,  and  yet 
the  Dutch  language  is  still  spoken  by  a  majority  of 
the  population.  The  Afrikanders  have  a  majority 
in  the  Cape  Parliament,  with  an  Afrikander  Prime 
Minister.     The  Dutch  element  still  has  a  dominat- 


54  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

ing  influence  in  South  Africa.  Superior  power  has 
taken  the  land  from  them,  but  it  can  never  convert 
the  Boer  to  British  thought  or  rule. 

Instead  of  treating  the  Dutch  kindly,  the  English 
governments  followed  the  policy  of  slandering,  de- 
faming and  humiliating  them,  driving  them  again 
and  again  from  their  old  settlements  into  the  wil- 
derness. And  still  the  English  think  that  the  Dutch 
should  accept  them  as  masters.  By  a  kind  treat- 
ment they  might  have  reconciled  the  Dutch,  for  as 
James  Anthony  Froude,  the  well  known  English 
historian,  remarked:  "The  Boer  responds  more 
readily  than  most  men  to  kindness  and  justice.  If 
you  try  to  drive  him,  there  is  no  mule  in  either 
hemisphere  more  stubborn." 

And  yet  the  English  boast  that  they  can  sub- 
due the  Dutch  descendants  of  the  heroes  of  the 
Eighty  Years'  War.  For  an  answer  to  this  I  wish 
again  to  quote  what  Olive  Schreiner  says  in  her 
Essay : 

"  I  suppose  it  would  be  quite  possible  for  the  sol- 
diers to  shoot  all  male  South  Africans  who  appeared 
in  arms  against  them.  It  might  not  be  easy,  a  great 
many  might  fall,  but  a  great  Empire  could  always 
import  more  to  take  their  places ;  we  could  not  im- 
port more,  because  it  would  be  our  husbands  and 
sons  and  fathers  who  were  falling,  and  when  they 
were  done  we  could  not  produce  more.  Then  the 
war  would  be  over.  There  would  not  be  a  house  in 
Africa — where  African-born  men  and  women  lived 
— without  its  mourners,  from  Sea  Point  to  the  Lim- 
popo ;  but  South  Africa  would  be  pacified — as  Crom- 
well pacified  Ireland  three  centuries  ago,  and  she  has 
been   being  pacified  ever  since!     As  Virginia  was 


TO   MAINTAIN   THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     55 

pacified  in  1677;  its  handful  of  men  and  women  in 
defence  of  their  freedom  were  soon  silenced  by  hired 
soldiers.  'I  care  that  for  the  power  of  England,' 
said  '  a  notorious  and  wicked  rebel '  called  Sarah 
Drummond,  as  she  took  a  small  stick,  and  broke  it, 
and  lay  it  on  the  ground.  A  few  months  after  her 
husband  and  all  the  men  with  him  were  made  pris- 
oners, and  the  war  was  over.  '  I  am  glad  to  see 
you,'  said  Berkeley,  the  English  governor,  '  I  have 
long  wished  to  meet  you;  you  will  be  hanged  in  half 
an  hour !  '  and  he  was  hanged  and  twenty-one  others 
with  him,  and  Virginia  was  pacified.  But  a  few 
generations  later  in  that  State  of  Virginia  was  born 
George  Washington,  and  on  the  19th  of  April,  1775, 
was  fought  the  battle  of  Lexington — '  Where  once 
the  embattled  farmers  stood,  and  fired  a  shot,  heard 
round  the  world, ' — and  the  greatest  crime  and  the 
greatest  folly  of  England's  career  was  completed. 
England  acknowledges  it  now.  A  hundred  or  a 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  imported  soldiers  might 
walk  over  South  Africa;  it  would  not  be  an  easy 
walk;  but  it  could  be  done.  Then  from  east  and 
west  and  north  and  south  would  come  men  of  pure 
English  blood  to  stand  beside  the  boys  they  had 
played  with  at  school,  and  the  friends  they  had 
loved ;  and  a  great  despairing  cry  would  rise  from 
the  heart  of  Africa.  But  we  are  still  few.  When 
the  war  was  over  the  imported  soldiers  might  leave 
the  land — not  all;  some  must  be  left  to  keep  the  re- 
maining people  down.  There  would  be  quiet  in  the 
land.  South  Africa  would  rise  up  silently,  and 
count  her  dead  and  bury  them.  She  would  know 
the  places  where  she  found  them.  South  Africa 
would  be   peaceful.     There  would  be   silence,  the 


$6  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

silence  of  a  long  exhaustion — but  not  peace !  Have 
the  dead  no  voices?  In  a  thousand  farmhouses 
black  robed  women  would  hold  memory  of  the 
count,  and  outside  under  African  stones  would  lie 
the  African  men  to  whom  South  African  women 
gave  birth  under  our  blue  sky.  There  would  be 
silence,  but  no  peace. 

"  You  say  that  all  the  fighting  men  in  arms  might 
have  been  shot.  Yes,  but  what  of  the  women?  If 
there  were  left  but  five  thousand  pregnant  South 
African-born  women,  and  all  the  rest  of  their  people 
destroyed,  those  women  would  breed  up  again  a 
race  like  to  the  first.  Oh,  lion-heart  of  the  North, 
do  you  not  recognize  your  own  lineage  in  these 
whelps  of  the  South?  We  cannot  live  if  we  are  not 
free! 

"  The  grandchildren  and  great-grandchildren  of 
the  men  who  lay  under  the  stones  (who  will  not  be 
English  then,  nor  Dutch,  but  only  Africans),  will 
say,  as  they  pass  those  heaps :  '  There  lie  our  fath- 
ers or  great-grandfathers  who  died  in  the  first  great 
War  of  Independence, '  and  the  descendants  of  the 
men  who  lay  there  will  be  the  aristocracy  of  Africa. 
Men  will  count  back  to  them  and  say :  '  My  father  or 
my  great-grandfather  lay  in  one  of  those  graves.' 
We  shall  know  no  more  of  Dutch  or  English  then ; 
we  shall  know  only  one  great  African  people." 

And  now  the  war  has  come  with  all  its  terrors. 
Thousands  of  brave  men  have  fallen  already  on  both 
sides,  either  killed  or  maimed  for  life.  Thousands 
of  children  have  become  fatherless,  thousands  of 
wives  and  mothers  will  vainly  wait  for  the  return  of 
their  husbands  and  sons.  And  for  what  purpose  did 
the  soldiers  of  England  give  their  lives?     For  right, 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    [NDEPENDENCE.     5/ 

for  justice,  for  civilization?  No,  a  thousand  times 
no!  They  died  because  Mr.  Chamberlain  and  his 
party  of  stocl:  ji  -  and  speculators,  supported  by 

the  Jingoes,  want  the  Republics  of  South  Africa  and 
the  gold  mines  therein.  And  all  this  happening  at 
the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century! 

Is  there  anything  that  can  more  strikingly  describe 
the  horrors  of  this  war  than  the  following  touching 
story  told  in  the  letter  of  an  English  soldier: 

"  We  were  out  looking  after  the  wounded  at  night 
when  the  fight  was  over,  when  I  came  across  an  old, 
white-bearded  Boer.  He  was  lying  behind  a  bit  of 
rock,  supporting  himself  on  his  elbows.   .   .   . 

"  I  kept  my  eye  on  the  old  chap.  But  when  I  got 
near  I  saw  that  he  was  too  far  gone  to  raise  his  rifle. 
He  was  gasping  hard  for  breath,  and  I  saw  he  was 
not  long  for  this  world.  He  motioned  to  me  that  he 
wanted  to  speak,  and  I  bent  over  him.  He  asked 
me  to  go  and  find  his  son — a  boy  of  thirteen — who 
had  been  fighting  by  his  side  when  he  fell. 

"  Well,  I  did  as  he  asked  me,  and  under  a  heap  of 
wounded  I  found  the  lad,  stone  dead,  and  I  carried 
him  back  to  his  father.  Well,  you  know  I'm  not 
a  chicken-hearted  sort  of  a  fellow.  I  have  seen  a 
bit  of  fighting  in  my  time,  and  that  sort  of  thing 
knocks  all  the  soft  out  of  a  chap. 

"  But  I  had  to  turn  away  when  the  old  Boer  saw 
his  dead  lad.  He  hugged  the  body  to  him  and 
moaned  over  it,  and  carried  on  in  a  way  that  fetched 
a  big  lump  in  my  throat.  Until  that  very  moment 
I  never  thought  how  horrible  war  is.  I  never 
wanted  to  see  another  shot  fired.  And  when  I 
looked  round  again  the  old  Boer  was  dead,  clasping 
the  cold  hand  of  his  dead  boy." 


58  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

And  how  do  the  Boers  carry  on  this  War?  Do  they 
behave  like  half  barbarians,  as  they  were  and  still 
are  called  by  the  British?  Do  not  they  treat  their 
wounded  enemies  and  prisoners  with  the  greatest 
kindness,  even  with  true  Christian  forgiveness? 
And  how  do  the  highly  civilized  British  behave? 
I  need  only  refer  to  the  slaughter  of  the  sixty  Boers 
at  Elandslaagte  in  cold  blood  by  the  Royal  Lancers. 
This  is  no  Boer  report ;  the  atrocities  were  minutely 
described  in  the  approving  London  Times  in  letters 
from  soldiers  and  officers. 

"Fine  pig  sticking;"  "The  bag  was  sixty,"  so 
writes  one  of  Her  Majesty's  officers.  These  men 
and  officers  of  the  Royal  Lancers  still  serve  Queen 
Victoria.  They  were  not  considered  to  have  dis- 
graced the  uniform.  But  in  every  land  outside  of 
the  British  Empire  they  have  placed  themselves 
beyond  the  pale  of  humanity  and  have  brought 
everlasting  contempt  and  disgrace  on  the  British 
army. 

Allow  me  to  refer  to  the  behavior  of  an  officer  of 
our  own  country  at  the  moment  of  victory — to  the 
immortal  words  of  Captain  (now  Rear  Admiral) 
Philip  of  the  United  States  Navy  at  the  battle  of 
Santiago : 

"  Don't  cheer,  boys,  the  poor  fellows  are  dying!  " 

The  British  officer  boasting  that  he  and  his  sol- 
diers killed  defenceless  enemies,  enjoying  the  sport 
as  if  it  were  a  mere  "pig  sticking,"  and  the  other 
officer  stopping  the  very  natural  cheering  of  his  men 
at  the  moment  of  victory  in  the  presence  of  a  dying 
enemy,  and  all  his  men  reverentially  obeying  his 
command ! 

Another  instance  of  the  brutal  violation  of  civil- 


TO    MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     59 

ized  warfare  as  carried  on  by  the  mother  of  civ- 
ilization was  the  tragic  death  of  General  Kock.  By 
uncontradicted  evidence  it  is  shown  that  the  gen- 
eral did  not  die  of  his  wound,  but  only  in  conse- 
quence of  the  exposure  and  neglect.  He  was 
stripped  by  British  soldiers  while  lying  helpless  on 
the  field. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  protest  sent  by  the 
government  of  the  South  African  Republic  to  the 
foreign  consuls  at  Pretoria: 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  call  your  Government's  at- 
tention both  to  the  report  announcing  the  engage- 
ment last  night  (October  iS)  between  a  commando 
and  the  English  near  Mafeking,  the  English  having 
1,000  Kaffir  auxiliaries  (one  of  whom  was  wounded 
and  is  a  prisoner),  and  the  results  of  this  informa- 
tion and  other  reports  coming  in  from  the  east  fron- 
tier where  the  Kaffirs  have  been  called  to  arms  by 
the  British  authorities. 

"This  shows  that  the  British  Government  com- 
mits the  unpardonable  crime  of  arming  the  blacks 
against  the  whites  in  a  struggle  unjustly  forced  on 
the  South  African  Republic.  This  act  may  have 
the  gravest  consequences  for  all  white  Africa. 

"  I  am  commanded  to  inform  your  Government 
that  a  further  document  received  is  General  Jou- 
bert's  protest  to  Secretary  Reitz,  at  Pretoria,  under 
six  heads,  as  follows: 

"  First.— That  the  British  at  Elandslaagte  fired  on 
an  ambulance. 

"Second. — That  a  British  lancer  attempted  to 
assassinate  a  doctor  wearing  the  Geneva  cross, 
missing  the  surgeon,  but  killing  his  horse. 


60  THE   STORY   OP   THE   BOERS. 

"Third. — The  tying  of  thirteen  prisoners,  some  of 
them  wounded,  behind  a  Maxim  gun  and  dragging 
them  along. 

"Fourth. — That  at  Dundee  the  fugitives  retired 
under  cover  of  a  white  flag  while  the  main  body  was 
fighting  the  Orange  Free  State  troops. 

"Fifth. — That  an  armored  train,  protected  by  a 
white  flag,  repaired  a  bridge. 

"Sixth. — That  the  British  are  recruiting  mounted 
Basutos. 

"  General  Joubert  appends  a  document  seized 
among  an  officer's  effects  at  Dundee.  The  paper  is 
a  communication  from  a  Basutoland  magistrate,  in- 
forming the  general  commanding  the  Glencoe  camp 
that  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  procuring  Basutos 
at  5  shillings  per  day,  and  asking :  '  Must  they  bring 
their  horses?' 

"General  Joubert  added:  'I  am  preserving  the 
original  of  this  document. '  " 

The  terrible  consequences  of  the  use  of  Kaffirs  by 
the  English  are  illustrated  by  the  following  report : 

"  Rustenburg,  1 6th  of  December,  1899. 

"At  the  Landdrost's  office  of  the  Rustenburg  dis- 
trict has  been  deposited  the  evidence,  confirmed  by 
oath,  of  women  and  girls  whom  the  English  had 
caught  by  Kaffirs.  They  declare  that  while  being 
held  by  the  Kaffirs  they  were  outraged  by  the  English. 

"  Do  raise  your  voices  in  the  name  of  humanity 
and  civilization  against  such  atrocities.  The  poor 
beings  are  at  the  hospital  at  this  moment. 

"  Baron  von  Dalwig. 

"  Formerly  Captain  of  the  Royal  Prussian  Horse, 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDKI'F.XDENC K.     d\ 

now  Captain  and  Commander  of  a   Battery  in  the 
Boer  Army." 

How  the  Red  Cross  flag  is  respected  by  the  Eng- 
lish  is  fitly  illustrated  in  a  report  of  Dr.  Ransbot- 
tom,  head  of  the  Boer  Red  I 

On  November  28  Dr.  Ransbottom  was  ordered  by 
General  Cronjeto  proceed  with  his  ambulance  to  the 
battlefield.  After  finishing  their  work  the  doctors 
were  informed  by  the  British  commander  that  they 
and  all  the  nurses  were  considered  as  prisoners  of 
war.  Their  protests  were  ignored,  and  the  doctors 
were  sent  to  Cape  Town,  and  arrived  there  on  De- 
cember 4th,  having  made  the  trip  in  cattle  trucks. 
They  were  then  informed  that  it  was  all  a  mistake 
and  on  the  same  day  were  returned  to  the  Modder 
River.  Upon  their  arrival  there  they  asked  for  their 
wagons  and  material,  and  Captain  Ross  informed 
them  that  he  had  been  instructed  not  to  give  them 
up,  and  the  doctors  and  nurses  had  to  walk  with 
their  baggage  on  their  back  to  the  Boer  camp. 

Of  course  this  was  merely  a  "mistake"  of  some 
overzealous  British  officer,  but  the  question  arises, 
Where  are  the  Boer  ambulance  wagons? 

I  recall  the  slandering  cablegrams,  containing  the 
accusations  in  the  strongest  language,  that  the  Boers 
disregarded  the  white  flag  and  were  shooting  upon 
the  ambulances  of  the  Red  Cross  Society.  But  Gen- 
eral Buller  was  compelled  to  cable  to  his  home  gov- 
ernment that  this  was  "  satisfactorily  explained  by 
the  enemy."  I  wish  to  recall  the  official  statement 
of  Major  Donegan,  chief  medical  officer  at  Glencoe, 
who  wired  to  the  state  secretary  at  Pretoria  an  ex- 
pression of  thanks  on  behalf  of  all  the  British  officers 


62       THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

and  men  in  the  hospitals  at  Glencoe,  for  the  ex- 
treme kindness  shown  them  by  the  Boer  officers  and 
men. 

I  wish  to  recall  General  Joubert's  kind  act  toward 
Lady  Symons.  From  an  excellent  sketch  given  by 
the  New  York  Herald  of  November  12,  describing 
"Slim  Piet,"  his  pet  name  among  Afrikanders, 
which  means  literally  crafty  or  clever  Peter  (or  to 
put  it  in  plain  English:  "  He  was  one  too  many  for 
me,  or  he  outwitted  me!"),  as  a  kind  gentleman, 
splendid  general,  the  idol  of  his  fighting  men,  I  take 
the  following: 

" '  Have  not  you  English  always  followed  on  our 
heels — not  on  us  here  only,  but  all  over  the  world, 
always  conquering,  always  getting  more  land?  We 
were  independent  when  you  came  here.  We  are  in- 
dependent now,  and  you  shall  never  take  our  inde- 
pendence from  us.  The  whole  people  will  fight. 
You  may  shed  blood  over  all  South  Africa,  but  it 
will  only  be  over  our  dead  bodies  that  you  will  seize 
our  independence.  Every  Dutchman  in  South  Africa 
will  fight  against  you.  Even  the  women  will  fight. 
You  may  take  away  our  lives,  but  our  independence 
— never. ' 

"  That  is  what  Pietrus  Jacobus  Joubert  said  to  an 
English  correspondent  in  Pretoria  two  years  ago. 
It  was  printed  in  a  London  newspaper  November 
30,  1897.  Joubert  is  showing  the  world  to-day  some- 
thing of  the  fine  old  Dutch  spirit  he  talked  of  in 
1897.  He  is  doing  some  of  that  fighting  he  pre- 
dicted then. 

"  It  was  very  much  like  Joubert  to  talk  like  that 
to  the  English  correspondent,  and  very  much  like 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPEN]  E.     0} 

him,  too,  to  cable  condolences  to  Lady  Symons  over 
the  dead  body  of  her  fallen  husband,  lie  is  frank- 
ness and  honesty  personified.  lie  is  a  man  and  a 
soldier  of  the  type  Englishmen  and  Americans  like. 
Nothing  could  be  more  courteous  than  his  treatment 
of  his  English  prisoners  from  Ladysmith.  Nothing 
could  be  more  kinder  than  his  care  for  the  wounded 
enemy. 

"  Nothing  is  written    about  Joubert   that   is    not 

•mment  on  his  fairness." 

General  Joubert  told  the  truth  when  more  than 
two  years  ago  he  predicted  that  even  the  women 
would  fight  for  liberty,  for  I  have  found  in  the  offi- 
cial lists  of  the  wounded  and  killed  which  I  received 
from  South  Africa  lately,  many  names  of  young 
women,  who  fought  side  by  side  with  their  husbands 
and  relatives. 

And  still  the  British  press  continue  to  call  the 
Boers  cowards,  but  the  Boers  can  well  afford  to  re- 
main silent.  Magersfontein,  Colenso,  Stormberg 
and  Spion  Kop  speak  louder  than  words  can  do. 

How  can  England  expect  sympathy  from  the  de- 
scendants of  the  Dutch,  who  settled  that  country  and 
who  are  one  large  family,  related  by  kinship? 

Step  by  step  England  has,  by  its  mighty  power 
and  money,  taken  the  conquered  land  from  the 
Dutch,  who  are  a  peaceful  and  God-fearing  people. 
Are  these  Boers  to  blame  if  they  prefer  to  die  rather 
than  give  up  their  last  acre  of  land? 

They  have  been  driven  from  the  one  place  to  the 
other,  and  they  have  found  no  rest.  It  is  always 
England  and  English  elements  that  disturb  the 
peace. 


64  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

A  high  official  wrote  to  me  from  Pretoria  in  Sep- 
tember : 

"  We  desire  peace  and  a  quiet  developing  of  our 
beloved  country,  and  you  may  rest  assured  that  if 
war  breaks  out  it  will  be  forced  upon  us  by  the  im- 
possibility of  submitting  to  unreasonable  demands. 
If  it  comes,  we  shall  defend  our  fatherland  to  the 
last  drop  of  our  blood." 

These  patriotic  people  simply  desire  to  keep  their 
country,  which  they  have  developed  and  civilized. 

I  heard  recently  an  Englishman  say :  "  We  are 
foolish  to  spill  so  much  blood  to  get  that  little  piece 
of  land.  Have  we  not  territory  enough?"  I  fully 
agree  with  him.  How  many  lives  of  both  countries 
have  already  been  sacrificed?  How  much  distress 
is  already  brought  over  so  many  families  who  mourn 
the  loss  of  their  beloved  ones?  But  War,  War!  is 
still  the  cry  in  England,  and  still  growing  fiercer. 
Oorlog!  Oorlog!  was  the  signal  heard  over  the  veldts 
of  South  Africa.  War  among  people  made  by  the 
same  Creator  of  mankind !  Who  is  to  blame  for  this 
terrible  slaughter  of  men?  I  again  call  the  attention 
of  the  reader  to  those  dishonest  men  who  created 
the  so-called  "  grievances  of  the  Uitlanders. "  The 
Boers  honestly  tried  to  meet  even  the  pretended 
grievances,  but  as  Olive  Schreiner  sadly  remarked : 
"  There  have  been  told  so  many  lies  about  them." 

And  who  are  the  people  who  have  told  these  lies; 
They  are  the  same  British  Uitlanders,  now  safely 
located  at  Cape  Town  and  Durban,  who,  under  the 
leadership  of  Rhodes,  and  aided  by  his  subsidized 
press,  have  slandered  the  Boers  for  years. 

But  there  are  other  Uitlanders :  Americans,  Ger- 
mans,  Hollanders,    Belgians,  Irish,   Scandinavians, 


TO  MAINTAIN   THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.    65 

French,  Sw  is,  even  English,  have  of  th< 

own  free  will  taken  up  arms  against  Great  Brit 
and  pledgt  1  fidelity  to  the  Republ 

The  Washington  Post  of  January  15,  1900,  contains 
an  article  written  by  my  friend,  Mr.  Fred  F.  Schi 
der,  from  which  I  quote  the  following-: 

"  I  know  of  no  single  instance  that  punctures  I 
fabric  of  the  luminous  lie  about  the  grievance  cf  I 
Outlanders  as  simply  and  completely  as  the  foll< 
ing  letter,  received  by  the  secretary  of  state  for 
Transvaal  republic,  Mr.  F.  W.  Reitz: 

'"  P.  O.  Box  5,  Johannesburg,  14  Oct.,  '99. 
'"  Honored  Sir — I  have  to  request  you  will  for- 
ward to  the  high  commissioner  at  the  earliest  oppor- 
tunity the  inclosed  medal  for  services  rendered  by 
me  to  Her  Majesty  the  Queen.  My  other  decora- 
tions will  be  forwarded  to  the  military  authorities 
in  England. 

" '  So  much  for  the  agitation  for  the  franchise. 
"'  I  am,  honorable  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 
"  '  Edw.  L.  Stratton-Collins. 
" l  Hon.  F.  W.  Reitz,  State  Secretary. ' 

"  Mr.  Collins  was  until  four  years  ago  a  captain  in 
the  British  army.  He  resigned  and  went  to  the 
gold  fields.  He  lived  peaceably  and  prospered  until 
the  agitation  of  the  past  three  years  almost  ruined 
his  business.  When  war  was  declared,  he  took  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Republic,  has  sent  all  his 
medals  of  honor  and  heroism  back  to  the  English 
Government,  and  is  now  on  the  border  fighting  as  a 
true  burgher  against  what  he  knows  to  be,  by  per- 
sonal observation,  the  scheme  of  Rhodes  to  over- 
5 


66  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

throw  a  peaceable  government.  There  are  other 
similar  instances." 

President  Kruger  has  been  accused  of  oppressing 
the  Jewish  population.  The  truth  is  that  the  Jews 
in  the  Transvaal  are  among  his  warmest  friends  and 
admirers.  They  have  formed  companies,  which  are 
now  doing  police  duty  to  guard  the  towns. 

It  is  an  acknowledged  fact  that  President  Kruger 
is  one  of  the  greatest  statesmen  the  world  has  ever 
produced.  His  diplomacy,  knowledge  of  interna- 
tional affairs  and  his  natural  sagacity  have  aston- 
ished the  nations  of  the  world,  although  he  never 
had  any  training  in  that  direction.  He  remains, 
however,  the  humble  Oom  Paul,  taking  the  natural- 
born  talents  as  an  undeserved  gift  from  the  hands 
of  his  Lord  and  Master,  not  to  be  tied  up  in  a  nap- 
kin, but  to  be  accounted  for  as  a  faithful  steward. 

He  has  at  his  side,  as  State  Secretary,  the  Hon. 
F.  W.  Reitz,  ex-President  of  the  Orange  Free  State, 
one  of  the  ablest  jurists  in  South  Africa,  a  man  who 
possesses  the  confidence  of  his  people,  and  is  ad- 
mired and  respected  by  every  one  with  whom  he 
comes  in  contact.  Olive  Schreiner  describes  him  as 
a  man  who  manifested  in  his  career  a  beautiful  char- 
acter. Dr.  Reitz  is  the  successor  of  Dr.  W.  J.  Leyds, 
who  served  the  country  in  the  same  capacity  for  a 
number  of  years.  Dr.  Leyds  has  succeeded  Jonk- 
heer  Beelaerts  van  Blokland  as  Minister  Plenipoten- 
tiary of  the  Republic  in  Europe.  He  has  been  ac- 
credited to  and  fully  recognized  by  the  following 
powers:  Russia,  Germany,  France,  the  Nether- 
lands, Belgium  and  Portugal.  He  is  a  scholar  and 
a  distinguished  lawyer,  and  is  known  as  a  specialist 
on  international  law.      His  working  ability  is  well 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    [NDEPENDENCE.     67 

known,  and  he  serves  his  adopted  country  in  his 
present  position  with  great  devotion. 

While  the  second  gentleman  of  the  land,  the  popu- 
lar Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Boer  forces,  General 
Joubert,  is  directing  the  military  operations  with  his 
able  generals,  Sehalk  Burger,  Botha,  De  Wet  and 
others  in  the  field  (alas1  our  brave  Cronje,  the 
"lion  of  South  Africa,"  is  now  deprived  of  serving 
his  beloved  country),  the  President  is  surrounded  at 
home  with  excellent  men  like  Reitz,  Wolmarans  and 
other  members  of  Council,  directing  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  Republic,  and  he  is  well  represented 
in  Europe  by  his  former  Secretary  of  State. 

If  we  realize  this  situation  of  affairs,  does  it  not 
stir  up  a  feeling  of  admiration  for  these  brave  and 
patriotic  men  who  are  so  well  able  to  rule  their  own 
country  if  they  were  let  alone?  Is  it  not  a  shame 
that  they  are  now  compelled  to  fight  for  their  liber- 
ties— a  war  declared  for  conquest  by  a  lustful  mon- 
archy? But  they  will  never  submit  until  the  last  ex- 
tremity, for  they  are  a  brave  people — free  Repub- 
licans as  we  are  here  in  America.  They  are  our 
brethren,  brethren  in  more  than  one  sense.  Their 
symbol  is  ours,  their  principles  are  ours,  they  love 
as  we  do  freedom  and  independence.  They  have 
the  same  flag — only  they  added  the  green  to  it,  the 
color  of  hope — that  same  dear  old  red,  white  and  blue, 
adopted  as  our  flag  after  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence. They  are  fighting  the  same  nation  that  our 
people  fought — not  to  gain  independence,  but  to 
maintain  their  independence.  My  fellow-citizens, 
do  you  know  that  these  South  African  burghers  are 
the  descendants  of  the  same  Dutch  people  who  first 
settled  Manhattan  Island? 


68  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

New  York,  formerly  New  Amsterdam ;  Breukelen, 
afterwards  called  Brooklyn,  and  Harlem,  were  each 
founded  by  these  sturdy  Dutch  who  came  here  with 
their  Bible  under  their  arm  to  build  up  a  new  coun- 
try. There  is  no  country  whose  history  is  more 
closely  connected  with  the  history  of  the  United 
States  of  America  than  little  Holland.  It  was  the 
Dutch,  who,  for  love  of  the  principles  of  America, 
fought  in  the  ranks  of  George  Washington,  the 
father  of  his  country.  It  was  the  Dutch  who  first 
took  sides  with  the  Americans  in  their  struggle  for 
liberty  and  independence,  and  the  first  who  saluted 
the  flag  which  was  the  same  as  theirs.  It  was  the 
Dutch  who  sent  their  battleships  to  this  coast  and 
landed  provisions  to  feed  the  soldiers,  facing  the 
fleet  of  England.  It  was  the  Dutch  in  Manhattan 
and  Staten  Island  with  whom  the  great  founder  of 
this  country  spent  his  happiest  hours.  He  loved 
them  and  was  by  them  beloved. 

It  was  the  "  Unie  van  Utrecht"  after  which  the 
Constitution  of  America  was  formulated,  and  the 
"  Afzwering  van  Philip  "  on  which  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  was  founded — two  of  the  most  im- 
portant Dutch  national  documents  were  thus  taken 
as  a  model  to  aid  the  lawmakers  of  America  to  form 
the  great  Republic  of  the  United  States. 

The  Holland  American  has  a  right  to  be  proud  of 
his  pedigree.  There  are  thousands  and  thousands 
of  Americans  who  can  trace  their  ancestry  to  the 
land  of  the  great  "  William  the  Silent,"  that  little 
country  small  in  compass,  but  great  in  history.  We 
find  them  to-day,  as  in  the  past,  among  the  most 
prominent  men  in  this  country,  many  in  high  author- 
ity.    The  nation  is  at  present  in  mourning  over  the 


TO    MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     69 

death  cf  one  of  her  noblest  citizens,  our  esteemed 

Vice-President,  who  was  on  his  mother's  side  of 
Dutch  blood.     We  have  lost  in  him  one  of  the  m< 

popular  Vice-Presidents  this  country  ever  had; 
President  Kruger  lost  in  him  a  warm  sympathizer 
and  friend. 

My  fellow-Americans,   do  you   hear  the   voice  of 
this  people,  who  are  fighting  for  the  same  principle 
this  country  fought  for  in  1776?     Would  it  not  be  a 
crime  against  civilization  to  see  our  sister  republics 
wiped  out  from  the  face  of  the  earth  and  swallowed 
up  by  any  European  power,  under  the  pretence  of 
"protecting  the  rights  of  its  subjects?"     Can  there 
be  found  one  true  American,  born  or  adopted,  who 
remembers  George  Washington  and  his  patriot  army 
— the  great  preserver  of  this  country — and  who  does 
not  sympathize  with  our  brethren  in  South  Africa' 
For   almost  a  century  they  have  been  oppressed, 
gradually  the  richest  land  has  been  taken  from  them. 
Is  it  any  wonder  that  their  determination  is  now, 
"  We  shall  not  give  up  our  land,  unless  they  walk 
over  our  dead  bodies? "     Can  it  be  a  surprise  that 
the  true  South  Afrikander  in  Cape  Colony  and  Natal 
takes  the  side  of  his  friends  and  relatives  when  it  is 
that  of  justice  and  of  God-given  right? 

"The  Boers  do  not  ask  for  mercy,"  says  Dr.  En- 
gelenburg,  editor  of  the  Pretoria  Volkston,  in  his 
article  "A  Transvaal  View  of  the  South  African 
Question,"  "  they  ask  for  justice. 

"  Those  who  keep  up  the  unfair  agitation  against 
the  South  African  Republic  are  the  last  men,  how- 
ever, to  listen  to  the  voice  of  righteousness,  or  to  be 
guided  by  any  noble  impulse ;  political  corruption  is 
the  seed  they  sow,  and  by  their  unexampled  oppor- 


70  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

tunities  they  feel  confident  of  reaping  their  criminal 
harvest.  Up  to  the  present  they  have  gathered  only 
tears ;  a  still  more  bitter  time  of  reaping  has  yet  to 
come.  In  the  past,  the  Boers  have  been  able  to 
fight  against  immensely  superior  odds.  They  feel 
that  the  final  victory  will  be  theirs ;  for  they  know 
they  have  right  on  their  side." 

Notwithstanding  the  many  reverses  to  the  British 
arms,  Mr.  Chamberlain  and  the  majority  of  the 
British  Parliament  still  profess  to  believe  in  the  ulti- 
mate success  of  England ;  but  the  English  never  ex- 
pected to  lose  their  American  colonies,  but  they  did 
nevertheless. 

It  is  my  honest  opinion  that  Great  Britain  will 
never  conquer  the  Boers,  and  I  believe  with  Presi- 
dent Kruger,  who  believes  that  Providence  is  with 
them,  because  their  cause  is  one  of  justice  and  right- 
eousness. 

If  any  one  should  ask  me  what  special  interest  has 
America  in  the  welfare  of  South  Africa,  or  in  what 
relation  do  we  stand  to  them  from  a  commercial 
standpoint,  I  would  refer  to  the  increasing  demand 
of  American  machineries  and  other  articles  of  com- 
merce which  were  exported  there  in  the  last  few 
years.  England  takes,  at  present,  the  lead  in  the 
trade,  but  America  is  next.  In  1897,  America  had 
exported  to  the  Transvaal  alone  merchandise  to  the 
amount  of  $13,500,000;  and,  as  the  South  Afrikan- 
ders are  in  hearty  sympathy  with  America  and 
American  institutions,  you  may  rest  assured — if 
they  are  not  utterly  crushed  in  their  present  strug- 
gle against  English  oppression — that  the  commer- 
cial transactions  in  the  near  future  will  be  increased 
tenfold,  for  they  are  anxious  to  obtain  close  relations 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     71 

with    the  great   sister  Republic.      The   latter  is  cer- 
tainly a  consummation  not  hoped  for  by  England  or 

her  merchants. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  sympathy  of  the  Ameri- 
cans in  general  is  with  the  Boers.  "An  immense 
deal  is  being  made  of  the  American  sympathy  in  this 
country,"  says  the  London  correspondent  of  the  Bal- 
timore American,  in  his  cablegram  of  November  18, 
1899: 

"  It  is  strange  that  so  powerful  an  empire  as  Great 
Britain,  with  400,000,000  of  people  and  three-fifths 
of  the  wealth  of  the  globe,  should  be  specially  anx- 
ious for  the  sympathy  of  anybody  when  trying  to 
whip  two  little  states,  which  have  not  all  told  more 
than  200,000  inhabitants.  Great  Britain  is  8,000 
times  as  great  as  the  Transvaal  and  the  Orange  Free 
State  combined,  and  she  is  probably  a  million  times 
their  superior  in  actual  wealth.  It  is  a.  sign  of  weak- 
ness, therefore,  to  be  making  so  much  of  the  alleged 
frieuds/iip  of  the  United  States,  of  which  there  is 
no  evidence  except  the  movement  for  the  fitting  out 
of  a  hospital  ship,  which  is  distinctly  British.  The 
women  engaged  in  it  are  all  married  to  Englishmen, 
and  can  in  no  sense  be  regarded  as  Americans.  The 
London  Ti/nes,  through  its  correspondent,  makes 
the  assertion  that  the  United  States  Government  has 
granted  British  agents  certain  privileges  at  Ameri- 
can ports  in  contravention  of  the  neutrality  laws, 
with  the  proviso  that  they  arc  not  to  be  regarded  as 
a  precedent,  and  the  Times  writes  an  editorial  pane- 
gyric a  column  and  a  half  long.  The  despatch  is 
probably  imaginary  as  to  its  facts.  It  is  impossible 
to  believe  that  the  government  of  the  U"nited  States 
could  have  done  anything  of  the  sort." 


72      THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

There  is  much  talk  about  the  close  relationship 
which  it  is  alleged  exists  between  the  two  great 
countries,  the  United  States  and  England,  pointing 
in  proof  thereof  to  the  ties  of  the  "Anglo-Saxon" 
race,  as  though  other  nations  should  be  excluded. 
Allow  me  to  make  the  remark  that  the  Dutch  and 
Germans  are  a  branch  of  that  very  same  race.  Or, 
to  speak  more  correctly,  the  Angles  and  Saxons 
were  low  German  tribes,  as  were  the  ancient  Dutch. 

We  hear  always  of  the  English  people  as  the  great 
promoters  of  Anglo-Saxon  civilization  and  progress, 
but  I  want  better  proof  than  mere  boasting.  Let 
me  refer  to  the  history  of  this  great  country  and  ask : 
Did  not  the  Dutch  bring  civilization  with  them  when 
they  settled  New  York,  and  did  the  German  and 
other  nationalities  leave  civilization  at  home  when 
they  came  to  our  shores?  We  absolutely  deny  the 
story  that  the  English  civilized  South  Africa.  It 
was  the  Boers  who  have  changed  its  wildernesses 
into  a  beautiful  country.  It  was  the  Boers  who  edu- 
cated the  natives  there.  The  Kaffirs,  Malays  and 
other  tribes  speak  the  language  of  the  Boers,  and 
even  the  Hottentots  have  adopted  the  Cape  Dutch 
as  their  native  tongue. 

Really  the  Boers  can  govern  the  land  of  their 
fathers;  they  do  not  need  British  interference  or 
civilization.  They  have  been  driven  from  their  land 
every  time  as  it  was  developed  into  prosperity,  and 
perhaps  they  might  have  left  it  again  and  trek  fur- 
ther into  the  interior  if  it  were  not  that  they  are 
completely  surrounded  by  British  territory.  So  they 
can  go  no  further.  Therefore  they  have  this  time 
determined  to  conquer  or  to  die. 

The    English    historian    Froude,    admitting    the 


TO   MAINTAIN    THEIR    INDEPENDENCE.     73 

wrong  done  by  his  country,  referring  to  the  annexa- 
tion of  the  Transvaal  by  Shcpstone  in  the  name  of 
the  Queen  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  said: 

"  We  have  annexed  a  country  as  large  as  France 
which  belonged  to  Dutchmen.  Dutchmen  do  not 
like  to  have  their  independence  taken  fn-mthem  any 
more  than  we  do,  and  nobody  exactly  knows  why  we 
did  it.  I  believe  that  in  our  hearts  we  are  sorry  now 
that  we  annexed  it  at  all,  and  we  would  be  glad  to 
get  rid  of  it  again  if  we  only  knew  how  to  get  rid  of 
it  without  seeming  ridiculous  to  the  rest  of  the 
world." 

The  time  might  come  that  England's  pride  will 
receive  a  more  severe  blow  than  it  received  at  Ma- 
juba  Hill,  for  the  Boer  cause  is  one  of  justice  and 
righteousness.  No  true  Americans  can  help  sym- 
pathizing with  the  God-fearing  sturdy  Boers. 

The  claim  that  England  stood  by  us  in  the  late 
war  with  Spain  is  not  any  reason  why  we  should  sym- 
pathize with  a  policy  of  injustice  toward  our  breth- 
ren in  South  Africa,  or  that  we  should  sympathize 
with  a  war  uncalled  for,  condemned  by  the  civilized 
people  all  over  the  world,  and  subjected  to  bitter 
criticism  by  many  prominent  men  in  Great  Britain 
itself. 

We  should  stand  by  the  Boers  and  inspire  them, 
even  at  this  distance,  with  our  hearty  wishes  for 
their  success  in  their  noble  struggle.  "We  send  our 
greetings  to  Oom  Paul,  the  beloved  patriot  of  his 
country  We  send  our  salute  to  the  gallant  Com- 
mander-in-Chief, General  Joubert,  and  his  army  of 
brave  men  who  defend  their  country  and  their  homes 
so  nobly  and  heroically.  We  should  forward  our 
sincere  sympathy  to  the  wounded  ami  <  ur 


74  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

heartfelt  condolence  to  the  widows  and  orphans  of 
those  who  gave  their  lives  for  a  just  cause,  and  every 
liberty  loving  American  should  pray  that  peace,  an 
everlasting  peace,  may  soon  reign  over  South  Afri- 
can soil. 

The  brave  burghers  might  meet  with  reverses,  if 
they  are  outnumbered  ten  to  one,  as  recent  events 
have  shown;  but  their  liberty,  their  republican 
principles,  they  will  never  surrender  to  British 
power. 

"  The  Boers  do  not  ask  for  mercy ;  they  ask  for 

justice." 

C.  W.  Van  der  Hoogt. 


A  CENTURY  OF  INJUSTICE. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Brother  Afrikanders! 

Once  more  in  the  annals  of  onr  bloodstained  his- 
tory has  the  day  dawned  when  we  are  forced  to 
grasp  our  weapons  in  order  to  resume  the  struggle 
for  liberty  and  existence,  entrusting  our  national 
cause  to  that  Providence  which  has  guided  our  peo- 
ple throughout  South  Africa  in  such  a  miraculous 
way. 

The  struggle  of  now  nearly  a  century,  which  be- 
gan when  a  foreign  rule  was  forced  upon  the  people 
of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  hastens  to  an  end ;  we  are 
approaching  the  last  act  in  that  great  drama  which  is 
so  momentous  for  all  South  Africa;  we  have  reached 
a  stage  when  it  will  be  decided  whether  the  sacrifices 
which  both  our  fathers  and  we  ourselves  have  made 
in  the  cause  of  freedom  have  been  offered  in  vain ; 
whether  the  blood  of  our  race,  with  which  every 
part  of  South  Africa  has  been,  as  it  were,  conse- 
crated, has  been  shed  in  vain ;  and  whether,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  the  last  stone  will  now  be  built  into  the 
edifice  which  our  fathers  began  with  so  much  toil  and 
so  much  sorrow. 

The  hour  has  struck  which  will  decide  whether 
South  Africa,  in  jealously  guarding  its  liberty,  will 
enter  upon  a  new  phase  of  its  history,  or  whether 
our  existence   as   a   people  will    come   to   an   end, 


76  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

whether  we  shall  be  exterminated  in  the  deadly- 
struggle  for  that  liberty  which  we  have  prized  above 
all  earthly  treasures,  and  whether  South  Africa  will 
be  dominated  by  Capitalists  without  conscience,  act- 
ing in  the  name  and  under  the  protection  of  an  un- 
just and  hated  Government  7,000  miles  away  from 
here. 

In  this  hour  it  behooves  us  to  cast  a  glance  back  at 
the  history  of  this  great  struggle.  We  do  so  not  to 
justify  ourselves,  because  liberty,  for  which  we  have 
sacrificed  everything,  has  justified  us  and  screened 
our  faults  and  failings,  but  we  do  so  in  order  that 
we  may  be,  as  it  were,  sanctified  and  prepared  for 
the  conflict  which  lies  before  us,  bearing  in  mind 
what  our  people  have  done  and  suffered  by  the  help 
of  God.  In  this  way  we  may  be  enabled  to  continue 
the  work  of  our  fathers,  and  possibly  to  complete  it. 
Their  deeds  of  heroism  in  adventures  with  Bantu 
and  Briton  shine  forth  like  guiding  stars  through 
the  history  of  the  past,  in  order  to  point  out  the  way 
for  posterity  to  reach  that  goal  for  which  our  sorely 
tried  people  have  made  such  great  sacrifices,  and  for 
which  they  have  undergone  so  many  vicissitudes. 

The  historical  survey  will,  moreover,  aid  in  bring- 
ing into  stronger  relief  those  naked  truths  to  which 
the  tribunal  of  impartial  history  will  assuredly  test- 
ify hereafter,  in  adjudging  the  case  between  our- 
selves and  our  enemy.  And  the  questions  which 
present  themselves  for  solution  in  the  approaching 
conflict  have  their  origin  deep  in  the  history  of  the 
past ;  it  is  only  by  the  light  of  that  history  that  it 
becomes  possible  to  discern  and  appreciate  the  drift- 
ing straws  which  float  on  the  currents  of  to-day. 
By  its  light  we  are  more  clearly  enabled  to  compre- 


A   CENTURY    OF    INJUSTICE.  ;; 

hend  the  truth,  to  which  our  people  appeal  ..  .•.  final 
justification  for  embarking  upon  the  war  now  so 
close  at  hand. 

History  will  show  convincingly  that  the  pleas 
of  humanity,  civilization,  and  equal  rights,  upon 
which  the  British  Government  bases  its  actions,  are 
nothing  else  but  the  recrudescence  of  that  spirit  of 
annexation  and  plunder  which  has  at  all  times 
characterized  its  dealings  with  our  people. 


THE   CAPE   OF   GOOD   HOPE. 

The  cause  for  which  we  are  about  to  take  up  arms 
is  the  same,  though  in  somewhat  different  form,  as 
that  for  which  so  many  of  our  forefathers  under- 
went the  most  painful  experiences  centuries  ago, 
when  they  abandoned  house  and  fatherland  to  settle 
at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  In  the  beautiful  valleys 
lying  between  the  blue  mountains  of  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  they  planted  the  seed-germ  of  liberty, 
which  sprang  up  and  has  since  developed  with  such 
startling  rapidity  into  the  giant  tree  of  to-day — a 
tree  which  not  only  covers  a  considerable  area  in 
this  part  of  the  world,  but  will  yet,  in  God's  good 
time,  we  feel  convinced,  stretch  out  its  leafy 
branches  over  the  whole  of  South  Africa.  In  spite 
of  the  oppressive  bonds  of  the  East  India  Company, 
the  young  settlement,  containing  the  noblest  blood 
of  old  Europe  as  well  as  its  most  exalted  aspirations, 
grew  so  powerfully  that,  in  1806,  when  the  Colony 
passed  into  the  hands  of  England,  a  strong  national 
sentiment  and  a  spirit  of  liberty  had  already  been 
developed. 


78  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

As  is  forcibly  expressed  in  an  old  document  dating 
from  the  most  renowned  period  of  our  history,  there 
grew  out  of  the  two  stocks  of  Hollanders  and  French 
Huguenots  "  a  united  people,  one  in  religion,  united 
in  peaceful  reverence  for  the  law,  but  with  a  feeling 
of  liberty  and  independence  equal  to  the  wide  ex- 
panse of  territory  which  they  had  rescued  as  a  labor 
of  love  from  the  wilderness  of  nature,  or  from  its 
still  wilder  aboriginal  inhabitants."  When  the 
Dutch  Government  made  way  for  that  of  Great 
Britain  in  1806,  and,  still  more,  when  that  change 
was  sealed  in  18 14,  the  little  settlement  entered 
upon  a  new  phase  of  its  history,  a  phase,  indeed,  in 
which  its  people  were  destined,  by  their  heroic  strug- 
gle for  justice,  to  enlist  a  world-wide  sympathy  on 
their  behalf. 

Notwithstanding  the  wild  surroundings  and  the 
innumerable  savage  tribes  in  the  background,  the 
young  Afrikander  nation  had  been  welded  into  a 
white  aristocracy,  proudly  conscious  of  having  main- 
tained its  superiority  notwithstanding  arduous  strug- 
gles. It  was  this  sentiment  of  just  pride  which  the 
British  Government  well  understood  how  to  wound 
in  its  most  sensitive  part  by  favoring  the  Natives  as 
against  the  Afrikanders.  So,  for  example,  the  Afri- 
kander Boers  were  forced  to  look  with  pained  eyes 
on  the  scenes  of  their  farms  and  property  devastated 
by  the  Natives  without  being  in  the  position  of  de- 
fending themselves,  because  the  British  Govern- 
ment had  even  deprived  them  of  their  ammunition. 
In  the  same  way  the  liberty-loving  Afrikander 
burgher  was  coerced  by  a  police  composed  of  Hot- 
tentots, the  lowest  and  most  despicable  class  of  the 
aborigines,  whom  the  Afrikanders  justly  placed  on 


THE    i  APE   OF    G<  M  >D    HOPE.  79 

a  far  lower  social  level  than  that  of  their  own  Malay 
slaves. 

No  wonckr  that  in  1815  a  number  of  the  Boers 
were  driven  into  rebellion,  a  rebellion  which  found 
an  awful  ending  in  the  horrible  occurrence  on  the 
9th  of  March,  1816,  where  six  of  the  Doers  were  half 
hung-  up  in  the  most  inhuman  way,  and  in  the  com- 
pulsory presence  of  their  wives  and  children.  Their 
death  was  truly  horrible,  for  the  gallows  broke  down 
before  the  end  came;  but  they  were  again  hoisted 
up  in  the  agony  of  dying,  and  strangled  to  death  in 
the  murderous  tragedy  of  Slachter's  Xek.  What- 
ever opinions  have  been  formed  of  this  occurrence 
in  other  respects,  it  was  at  .Slachter's  Xek  that  the 
first  bloodstained  beacon  was  erected  which  marks 
the  boundary  between  Boer  and  Briton  in  South 
Africa,  and  the  eyes  of  posterity  still  glance  back 
shuddering  through  the  long  vista  of  years  at  that 
tragedy  of  horror. 

This  was,  however,  but  the  beginning.  Under 
the  cloak  of  religion  British  administration  con- 
tinued to  display  its  hate  against  our  people  and 
nationality,  and  to  conceal  its  self-seeking  aims  under 
cover  of  the  most  exalted  principles.  The  aid  of 
religion  was  invoked  to  reinforce  the  policy  of  op- 
pression in  order  to  deal  a  deeper  and  more  fatal 
blow  to  our  self-respect.  Emissaries  of  the  London 
Missionary  Society  slandered  the  Boers,  and  accused 
them  of  the  most  inhuman  cruelties  to  the  Natives. 
These  libellous  stories,  endorsed  as  they  were  by  the 
British  Government,  found  a  ready  ear  among  the 
English,  and  the  result  was  that  under  the  pressure 
of  powerful  philanthropic  opinion  in  England,  our 
unfortunate  people  were  more  bitterly  persecuted 


80  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

than  ever,  and  were  finally  compelled  to  defend 
themselves  in  courts  of  law  against  the  coarsest  ac- 
cusations and  insults.  But  they  emerged  from  the 
ordeal  triumphantly,  and  the  records  of  the  criminal 
courts  of  the  Cape  Colony  bear  indisputable  witness 
to  the  fact  that  there  were  no  people  among  the  slave- 
owning  classes  of  the  world  more  humane  than  the 
Afrikander  Boers.  Their  treatment  of  the  Natives 
was  based  on  the  theory  that  Natives  ought  not  to 
be  considered  as  mature  and  fully  developed  people, 
but  that  they  were  in  reality  children  who  had  to  be 
won  over  to  civilization  by  just  and  rigid  discipline ; 
they  hold  the  same  convictions  on  this  subject  to- 
day, and  the  enlightened  opinion  of  the  civilized 
world  is  inclining  more  and  more  to  the  same  con- 
clusion. But  the  fact  that  their  case  was  a  good 
one,  and  that  it  was  triumphantly  decided  in  their 
favor  in  the  law  courts,  did  not  serve  to  diminish, 
but  rather  tended  to  sharpen,  the  feeling  of  injustice 
with  which  they  had  been  treated. 

A  livelier  sense  of  wrong  was  quickened  by  the 
way  in  which  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves — in  it- 
self an  excellent  measure — was  carried  out  in  the 
case  of  the  Boers. 

Our  forefathers  had  become  owners  of  slaves, 
chiefly  imported  in  English  ships  and  sold  to  us  by 
Englishmen.  The  British  Government  decided  to 
abolish  slavery.  We  had  no  objection  to  this,  pro- 
vided we  received  adequate  compensation.  Our 
slaves  had  been  valued  by  British  officials  at  three 
millions,  but  of  the  twenty  millions  voted  by  the 
Imperial  Government  for  compensation,  only  one 
and  a  quarter  millions  was  destined  for  South  Afri- 
ca; and  this  sum  was  payable  in  London.     It  was 


THE   CAPE   OP  GOOD   HOPE.  81 

impossible  for  us  to  go  there,  so  we  were  forced  to 
sell  our  rights  to  middlemen  and  agents  for  a  mere 
song;  and  many  of  our  ;,  were  so  overwhelmed 

by  the  difficulties  placed  in  their  way  that  they  took 
no  steps  whatever  to  receive  their  share  of  the  com- 
pensation. 

Gray  heads  and  widows  who  had  lived  in  case  and 
comfort  went  down  poverty-stricken  to  the  grave, 
and  gradually  the  hard  fact  was  borne  in  upon  us 
that  there  was  no  such  thing  as  Justice  for  us  in 
England. 

Froude,  the  English  historian,  hits  the  right  nail 
on  the  head  when  he  says : — 

"  Slavery  at  the  Cape  had  been  rather  domestic 
than  predial;  the  scandals  of  the  West  India  planta- 
tions were  unknown  among  them. 

"  Because  the  Dutch  are  a  deliberate  and  slow 
people,  not  given  to  enthusiasm  for  new  ideas,  they 
fell  into  disgrace  with  us,  where  they  have  ever 
since  remained.  The  unfavorable  impression  of 
them  became  a  tradition  of  the  English  Press,  and, 
unfortunately,  of  the  Colonial  Office.  We  had 
treated  them  unfairly  as  well  as  unwisely,  and  we 
never  forgive  those  whom  we  have  injured." 

But  this  was  not  all.  When  the  English  obtained 
possession  of  the  Cape  Colony  by  convention,  the 
Fish  River  formed  the  eastern  boundary.  The  Kaf- 
firs raided  the  Colony  from  time  to  time,  but  espe- 
cially in  1834,  when  they  murdered,  plundered,  and 
outraged  the  helpless  Colonists  in  an  awful  and 
almost  indescribable  manner.  The  Governor  was 
ultimately  prevailed  upon  to  free  the  strip  of  terri- 
tory beyond  the  Fish  River  from  the  raids  cf  the 
Kaffirs,  and  this  was  done  by  the  aid  of  the  Boers. 
6 


82  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

But  Lord  Glenelg,  the  Colonial  Secretary,  reversed 
this  policy  and  restored  the  whole  territory  to  the 
natives.  He  maligned  the  Boers  in  even  more 
forcible  terms  than  the  emissaries  of  the  London 
Missionary  Society,  and  openly  favored  the  Kaffirs, 
placing  them  on  a  higher  pedestal  than  the  Boers. 
The  latter  had  succeeded  in  rescuing  their  cattle 
from  the  Kaffirs,  but  were  forced  to  look  on  passive- 
ly while  the  very  same  cattle,  with  the  owner's  brand 
marks  plainly  visible,  were  sold  by  public  auction  to 
defray  the  cost  of  the  commando.  It  was  useless  to 
hope  for  justice  from  Englishmen.  There  was  no 
security  for  life  and  property  under  the  flag  of  a 
Government  which  openly  elected  to  uphold  Wrong. 
The  high-minded  descendants  of  the  proudest  and 
most  stubborn  peoples  of  Europe  had  to  bend  the 
knee  before  a  Government  which  united  a  commer- 
cial policy  of  crying  injustice  with  a  veneer  of  simu- 
lated philanthropy. 

But  it  was  not  only  in  regard  to  the  Natives  that 
the  Boers  were  oppressed  and  their  rights  violated. 
When  the  Cape  was  transferred  to  England  in  1806, 
their  language  was  guaranteed  to  the  Dutch  inhabi- 
tants. This  guarantee  was,  however,  soon  to  meet 
the  same  fate  as  the  treaties  and  conventions  which 
were  concluded  by  England  with  our  people  at  later 
periods. 

The  violator  of  treaties  fulfilled  its  obligation  by 
decreeing  in  1825  that  all  documents  were  for  the 
future  to  be  written  in  English.  Petitions  in  the 
language  of  the  country  and  complaints  about  bitter 
grievances  were  not  even  acknowledged.  The  Boers 
were  excluded  from  the  juries  because  their  knowl- 
edge of  English  was  too  faulty,  and  their  causes  and 


THE    CAPE    OF    GOOD    HOPE  83 

actions  had  to  be  determined  by  Englishmen,  with 
whom  they  had  nothing  in  common. 

After  twenty  years'  experience  of  British  adminis- 
tration it  had  become  abundantly  clear  to  the  Boers 
that  there  was  no  prospect  <<t  peace  and  prosperity 
before  them,  for  their  elementary  rights  had  been 
violated,  and  they  could  only  expect  oppression. 
They  were  without  adequate  guarantees  of  protec- 
tion, and  their  position  had  become  intolerable  in 
the  Cape  Colony. 

They  decided  to  sell  home,  farm,  and  all  that  re- 
mained over  from  the  depredations  of  the  Kaffirs, 
and  to  trek  away  from  British  rule.  The  Colony 
was  at  this  time  bounded  on  the  north  by  the 
Orange  River. 

At  first,  Lieutenant-Governor  Stockenstrom  was 
consulted ;  but  he  was  of  opinion  that  there  was  no 
law  which  could  prevent  the  Boers  from  leaving  the 
Colony  and  settling  elsewhere.  Even  if  such  a 
statute  existed,  it  would  be  tyrannical,  as  well  as 
impossible,  to  enforce  it. 

The  Cape  Attorney-General,  Mr.  Oliphant,  ex- 
pressed the  same  opinion,  adding  that  it  was  clear 
that  the  emigrants  were  determined  to  go  into  an- 
other country,  and  not  to  consider  themselves  Brit- 
ish subjects  any  longer.  The  same  thing  was  hap- 
pening daily  in  the  emigration  from  England  to 
North  America,  and  the  British  Government  was 
and  would  remain  powerless  to  stop  the  evil. 

The  territory  to  the  north  of  the  Orange  River 
and  to  the  east  of  the  Drakensberg  lay  outside  the 
sphere  of  British  influence  or  authority,  and  was,  as 
far  as  was  then  known,  inhabited  by  savages;  but 
the  Boers  decided  to  brave  the  perils  of  the  wilder- 


84  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

ness  and  to  negotiate  with  the  savages  for  the  pos- 
session of  a  tract  of  country,  and  so  form  an  inde- 
pendent community,  rather  than  remain  any  longer 
under  British  rule. 

In  the  words  of  Piet  Retief,  when  he  left  Gra- 
hamstown : 

"  We  despair  of  saving  the  Colony  from  those  evils 
which  threaten  it  by  the  turbulent  and  dishonest 
conduct  of  vagrants  who  are  allowed  to  infest  the 
country  in  every  part;  nor  do  we  see  any  prospect 
of  peace  or  happiness  for  our  children  in  a  country 
thus  distracted  by  internal  commotions. 

"  We  complain  of  the  severe  losses  which  we  have 
been  forced  to  sustain  by  the  emancipation  of  our 
slaves,  and  the  vexatious  laws  which  have  been 
enacted  respecting  them. 

"  We  complain  of  the  continual  system  of  plunder 
which  we  have  for  years  endured  from  the  Kaffirs 
and  other  colored  classes,  and  particularly  by  the 
last  invasion  of  the  Colony,  which  has  desolated  the 
frontier  district  and  ruined  most  of  the  inhabitants. 

"  We  complain  of  the  unjustifiable  odium  which  has 
been  cast  upon  us  by  interested  and  dishonest  per- 
sons, under  the  name  of  religion,  whose  testimony 
is  believed  in  England  to  the  exclusion  of  all  evi- 
dence in  our  favor,  and  we  can  foresee,  as  the  re- 
sult of  this  prejudice,  nothing  but  the  total  ruin  of 
the  country. 

"  We  quit  this  Colony  under  the  full  assurance  that 
the  English  Government  has  nothing  more  to  require 
of  us  and  will  allow  us  to  govern  ourselves  without 
its  interference  in  future. 

"  We  are  now  leaving  the  fruitful  land  of  our  birth, 


THE    CAPE    i  »F   GOOD    H<  >PE.  85 

in  which  wc  have  suffered  enormous  losses  and  con- 
tinual vexation,  and  are  at  to  enter  a  strange 
and  dangerous  territory;  but  we  go  with  a  firm  re- 
liance on  an  all -seeing,  just  and  merciful  God,  whom 
we  shall  always  fear  and  humbly  endeavor  to  obey. 
"  In  the  name  of  all  who  leave  the  Colony  witli  me, 

"P.  Retief." 

We  journeyed  then  with  our  fathers  beyond  the 
Orange  River  into  the  unknown  north,  as  free  men 
and  subjects  of  no  sovereign  upon  earth.  Then  be- 
gan what  the  English  member  of  parliament,  Sir 
William  Molesworth,  termed  a  strange  sort  of  pur- 
suit. The  trekking  Boer  followed  by  the  British 
Colonial  Office  was  indeed  the  strangest  pursuit 
ever  witnessed  on  earth. 

The  British  Parliament  even  passed  a  law  in  1S36 
to  impose  punishments  be)rond  their  jurisdiction  up 
to  the  25th  degree  south,  and  when  wc  trekked  fur- 
ther north  Lord  Grey  threatened  to  extend  this  un- 
righteous law  to  the  Equator.  It  may  be  remarked 
that  in  this  law  it  was  specially  enacted  that  no  sov- 
ereignty or  overlordship  was  to  be  considered  as 
established  thereby  over  the  territory  in  question. 

The  first  trek  was  that  of  Trichardt  and  the  Van 
Rensburgs.  They  went  to  the  north,  but  the 
Van  Rensburgs  were  massacred  in  the  most  horrible 
way  by  the  Kaffirs,  and  Trichardt's  party  reached 
Delagoa  Bay  after  indescribable  sufferings  in  a 
poverty-stricken  condition,  only  to  die  there  of 
malarial  fever. 


86  THE   .STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    NATAL. 

The  second  trek  was  equally  unfortunate.  After 
Piet  Retief  had  duly  paid  for  and  obtained  posses- 
sion from  Dingaan,  Chief  of  the  Zulus,  of  that  tract 
of  territory  now  known  as  Natal,  the  latter,  incited 
by  some  Englishmen,  treacherously  murdered  him 
and  his  party  on  the  6th  February,  1838;  66  Boers 
and  30  of  their  followers  perished.  The  Great  Trek 
thus  lost  its  most  courageous  and  noble-minded 
leader. 

Dingaan  then  sent  two  of  his  armies,  and  they 
overcame  the  women  and  children  and  the  aged  at 
Boesmans  River  (Blaauw-krantz),  where  the  village 
of  Weenen  now  stands;  282  white  people  and  252 
servants  were  massacred. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  we  entered  the  land 
of  this  criminal  with  a  small  commando  of  464  men, 
and  on  the  16th  December,  1838 — since  known  as 
"  Dingaan 's  Day,"  the  proudest  in  our  history — we 
overthrew  the  military  might  of  the  Zulus,  consist- 
ing of  10,000  warriors,  and  burned  Dingaan's  chief 
kraal. 

After  that  we  settled  down  peaceably  in  Natal 
and  established  a  new  Republic.  The  territory  had 
been  purchased  with  our  money  and  baptized  with 
our  blood.  But  the  Republic  was  not  permitted  to 
remain  in  peace  for  long.  The  Colonial  Office  was 
in  pursuit.  The  Government  first  of  all  decided 
upon  a  military  occupation  of  Natal,  for,  as  Governor 
Napier  wrote  to  Lord  Russell  on  the  2 2d  June,  1840, 
"it  was  apparently  the  fixed  determination  of  Her 
Majesty's  Government  not  to  extend  Her  Colonial 


THE    1"  OF  N         lL. 

possessions  in  this  quarter  of  the  Globe."  The  only 
object  of  the  military  occupation  was  to  crush  the 
Boers,  as  the  G  .  Sir  George  Napier,  undis- 

guiscdly  admitted  in  his  dispatch  to  Lord   '  lg, 

of  the  1 6th  January,  1838.  The  Boers  were  to  be 
prevented  from  obtaining  ammunition,  and  to  be 
forbidden  to  establish  an  independent  Republic.  By 
these  means  he  hoped  to  put  a  stop  to  the  emigra- 
tion. Lord  Stanley  instructed  Governor  Napier,  on 
the  10th  April,  1S42,  to  cut  the  emigrant  Boers  off 
from  all  communication,  and  to  inform  them  that 
the  British  Government  would  assist  the  savages 
against  them,  and  would  treat  them  as  rebels. 

Twice  we  successfully  withstood  the  military  oc- 
cupation; more  English  perished  while  in  flight 
from  drowning  than  fell  by  our  bullets. 

Commissioner  Cloete  was  sent  later  to  annex  the 
young  Republic  as  a  reward  for  having  redeemed  it 
for  civilization. 

The  annexation,  however,  only  took  place  under 
strong  protest.  On  the  21st  February,  1842,  the 
Volksraad  of  Maritzburg,  under  the  chairmanship 
of  Joachim  Prinsloo,  addressed  the  following  letter 
to  Governor  Napier: 

"  We  know  that  there  is  a  God,  who  is  the  Ruler 
of  heaven  and  earth,  and  who  has  power,  and  is 
willing  to  protect  the  injured,  though  weaker,  against 
oppressors.  In  Him  we  put  our  trust,  and  in  the 
justice  of  our  cause;  and  should  it  be  His  will  that 
total  destruction  be  brought  upon  us,  our  wives  and 
children,  and  everything  we  possess,  we  will  with 
due  submission  acknowledge  to  have  deserved  from 
Him,  but  not  from  men.  We  are  aware  of  the  power 
of  Great  Britain,  and  it  is  not  our  object  to  defy  that 


88  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

power;  but  at  the  same  time  we  cannot  allow  that 
might  instead  of  right  shall  triumph  without  having 
employed  all  our  means  to  oppose  it." 

The  Boer  women  of  Maritzburg  informed  the  Brit- 
ish Commissioner  that,  sooner  than  subject  them- 
selves again  to  British  sway,  they  would  walk  bare- 
foot over  the  Drakensberg  to  freedom  or  to  death. 

And  they  were  true  to  their  word,  as  the  follow- 
ing incident  proves.  Andries  Pretorius,  our  brave 
leader,  had  ridden  through  to  Grahamstown,  hun- 
dreds of  miles  distant,  in  order  to  represent  the  true 
facts  of  our  case  to  Governor  Pottinger.  He  was 
unsuccessful,  for  he  was  obliged  to  return  without 
a,  hearing  from  the  Governor,  who  excused  himself 
under  the  pretext  that  he  had  no  time  to  receive 
Pretorius.  When  the  latter  reached  the  Drakens- 
berg on  his  return,  he  found  nearly  the  whole  popu- 
lation trekking  over  the  mountains  away  from  Natal 
and  away  from  British  sway.  His  wife  was  lying 
ill  in  the  wagon,  and  his  daughter  had  been  severely 
hurt  by  the  oxen,  which  she  was  forced  to  lead. 

Sir  Harry  Smith,  who  succeeded  Pottinger,  thus 
described  the  condition  of  the  emigrant  Boers: 
"  They  were  exposed  to  a  state  of  misery  which  he 
had  never  before  seen  equalled,  except  in  Massena's 
invasion  of  Portugal.  The  scene  was  truly  heart- 
rending." 

This  is  what  we  had  to  suffer  at  the  hands  of  the 
British  Government  in  connection  with  Natal. 

We  trekked  back  over  the  Drakensberg  to  the 
Free  State,  where  some  remained,  but  others  wan- 
dered northwards  over  the  Vaal  River. 


THE    ORANGE    FREE    STATE.  89 


THE  ORANGE  FREE  STATE. 

Giving  effect  to  Law  6  and  7  William  IV.,  ch.  57, 
the  English  appointed  a  Resident  in  the  Free  State. 
Pretorius,  however,  gave  him  forty-eight  hours' 
notice  to  quit  the  Republic.  Thereupon  Sir  Harry 
Smith  mobilized  an  army,  ehiefly  consisting  of 
blacks,  against  us  white  people,  and  fought  us  at 
Boomplaats  on  the  29th  August,  [848.  After  an  ob- 
stinate struggle  a  Boer  named  Thomas  Dreyer  was 
caught  by  the  blacks  of  Smith's  army,  and  to  the 
shame  of  English  reputation  was  killed  by  the  Eng- 
lish Governor  for  no  other  crime  than  that  he  was 
once,  though  years  before,  a  British  subject,  and 
had    now   dared   to    fight    against    Her    Majesty's 

nag. 

Another  murder  and  deed  of  shame  in  South 
Africa's  account  with  England. 

In  the  mean  time  Sir  Harry  Smith  had  annexed 
the  Free  State  as  the  "Orange  River  Sovereignty," 
on  the  pretext  that  four-fifths  of  the  inhabitants 
favored  British  dominion,  and  were  only  intimidated 
by  the  power  of  Pretorius  from  manifesting  their 
wishes. 

But  the  British  Resident  soon  came  into  collision 
with  Moshesh,  the  great  and  crafty  head  chieftain  of 
the  Basutos. 

The  Boers  were  called  up  to  assist,  but  only  75  re- 
sponded out  of  the  1,000  who  were  called  up.  The 
English  had  then  to  cat  the  leek.  The  Resident  in- 
formed his  Government  that  the  fate  of  the  Orange 
River  Sovereignty  depended  upon  Andries  Pretorius, 
the  very  man  on  whose  head  Sir  Harry  Smith  had 


90  THE   STORY   OF  THE   BOERS. 

put  a  price  of  ^2,000.  Earl  Grey  censured  and 
abandoned  both  Sir  Harry  Smith  and  the  Resident, 
Major  Warden,  saying  in  his  dispatch  to  the  Gov- 
ernor, dated  15th  December,  1851,  that  the  Brit- 
ish Government  had  annexed  the  country  on  the 
understanding  that  the  inhabitants  had  generally 
desired  it.  But  if  they  would  not  support  the  Brit- 
ish Government,  which  had  only  been  established  in 
their  interests,  and  if  they  wished  to  be  freed  from 
that  authority,  there  was  no  longer  any  use  in  con- 
tinuing it. 

The  Governor  was  clearly  given  to  understand  by 
the  British  Government  that  there  was  in  future  to 
be  no  interference  in  any  of  the  wars  which  might 
take  place  between  the  different  tribes  and  the  in- 
habitants of  independent  states  beyond  the  Colonial 
boundaries,  no  matter  how  sanguinary  such  wars 
might  happen  to  be. 

In  other  words,  as  Froude  says:  "In  1852  we  had 
discovered  that  wars  with  the  Natives  and  wars  with 
the  Dutch  were  expensive  and  useless,  that  sending 
troops  out  and  killing  thousands  of  Natives  was  an 
odd  way  of  protecting  them.  We  resolved  then  to 
keep  within  our  own  territories,  to  meddle  no  more 
beyond  the  Orange  River,  and  to  leave  the  Dutch 
and  the  Natives  to  settle  their  differences  among 
themselves." 

And  again: 

"Grown  sick  at  last  of  enterprises  which  led 
neither  to  honor  nor  peace,  we  resolved,  in  1852, 
to  leave  Boers,  Kaffirs,  Basutos  and  Zulus  to  them- 
selves and  make  the  Orange  River  the  boundary  of 
British  responsibilities.  We  made  formal  treaties 
with  the  two  Dutch  States,  binding  ourselves  to  in- 


THE   ORANGE   FREE   STATE.  91 

terfere  no  more  between  them  and  the  Natives,  and 
to  leave  them  either  to  establish  themselves  as  a 
barrier  between  ourselves  and  the  interior  of  Afriea, 
or  to  sink,  as  was  considered  most  likely,  in  an  un- 
equal struggle  with  warlike  tribes,  by  whom  they 
were  infinitely  outnumbered." 

The  administration  of  the  Free  State  cost  the 
British  taxpayer  too  much.  There  was  an  idea,  too, 
that  if  enough  rope  were  given  to  the  Boer  he  would 
hang  himself. 

A  new  Governor,  Sir  George  Cathcart,  was  sent 
out  with  two  Special  Commissioners  to  give  effect  to 
the  new  policy.  A  new  treaty  between  England  and 
the  Free  State  was  signed,  by  which  full  independ- 
ence was  guaranteed  to  the  Republic,  the  British 
Government  undertaking  at  the  same  time  not  to 
interfere  with  any  of  the  Native  tribes  north  of  the 
Orange  River. 

As  Cathcart  remarked  in  his  letters — the  Sover- 
eignty bubble  had  burst  and  the  silly  Sovereignty 
farce  was  played  out. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  as  long  as  the  Free 
State  was  English  territory  it  was  supposed  to  in- 
clude that  strip  of  ground  now  known  as  Kimberley 
and  the  Diamond  Fields;  English  title  deeds  had 
been  issued  during  the  Orange  River  Sovereignty 
in  respect  of  the  ground  in  question,  which  was  con- 
sidered to  belong  to  the  Sovereignty  and  to  be  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  one  of  the  Sovereignty  magis- 
trates. At  the  re-establishment  of  the  Free  State  it 
consequently  became  a  part  of  the  Orange  Free 
State. 

Not  fifteen  years  had  elapsed  since  the  Conven- 
tion between  England  and  the  Free  State  before  it 


92      THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

was  broken  by  the  English.  It  had  been  solemnly 
stipulated  that  England  would  not  interfere  in  Native 
affairs  north  of  the  Orange  River.  The  Basutos  had 
murdered  the  Free  Staters,  plundered  them,  ravished 
their  wives,  and  committed  endless  acts  of  violence. 
After  a  bitter  struggle  of  three  years  the  Free  Staters 
had  succeeded  in  inflicting  a  well-merited  chastise- 
ment on  the  Basutos,  when  the  British  intervened  in 
1869  in  favor  of  the  Natives,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  they  had  reiterated  their  declaration  of  non-in- 
terference in  the  Aliwal  Convention. 

To  return  to  the  Diamond  Fields,  as  Froude  re- 
marks: "The  ink  on  the  Treaty  of  Aliwal  was 
scarcely  dry  when  diamonds  were  discovered  in 
large  quantities  in  a  district  which  we  had  ourselves 
treated  as  part  of  the  Orange  Territory. "  Instead 
of  honestly  saying  that  the  British  Government  re- 
lied on  its  superior  strength,  and  on  this  ground  de- 
manded the  territory  in  question,  which  contained 
the  richest  diamond  fields  in  the  world,  it  hypocrit- 
ically pretended  that  the  real  reason  of  its  depriving 
the  Free  State  of  the  Diamond  Fields  was  that  they 
belonged  to  a  Native,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
this  contention  was  falsified  by  the  judgment  of  the 
English  courts. 

"There  was  a  notion  also, "says  Froude,  "that  the 
finest  diamond  mine  in  the  world  ought  not  to  be 
lost  to  the  British  Empire." 

The  ground  was  thereupon  taken  from  the  Boers, 
and  "  from  that  day  no  Boer  in  South  Africa  has 
been  able  to  trust  to  English  promises." 

Later,  when  Brand  went  to  England,  the  British 
Government  acknowledged  its  guilt  and  paid  ^90,000 
for  the  richest  diamond  fields  in  the  world,  a  sum 


THE   ORANGE    FREE    STATE.  93 

which   scarcely   represents   the   daily  output  of  the 
mines. 

But  notwithstanding  the  Free  State  Convention, 
notwithstanding  the  renewed  promises  of  the  Ali- 
wal  Convention — the  Free  State  was  forced  to  suffer 
a  third  breach  of  the  Convention  at  the  hands  of  the 
English.  Ten  thousand  rifles  were  imported  into 
Kimberley  through  the  Cape  Colony  and  sold  there 
to  the  Natives  who  encircled  and  menaced  the  two 
Dutch  Republics.  General  Sir  Arthur  Cunynghame, 
the  British  Commander-in-Chief  in  South  Africa, 
admits  that  400,000  guns  were  sold  to  Kaffirs  during 
his  term  of  office.  Protests  from  the  Transvaal  and 
the  Free  State  were  of  no  avail.  And  when  the  Free 
State  in  the  exercise  of  its  just  rights  stopped  wagons 
laden  with  guns  on  their  way  through  its  territory, 
it  was  forced  to  pay  compensation  to  the  British 
Government. 

"The  Free  State,"  says  the  historian  Froude, 
"paid  the  money,  but  paid  it  under  protest,  with 
an  old-fashioned  appeal  to  the  God  of  Righteous- 
ness, whom,  strange  to  say,  they  believed  to  be  a 
reality." 

It  seems  thus  that  there  is  no  place  for  the  God 
of  Righteousness  in  English  policy. 

So  far  we  have  considered  our  Exodus  from  the 
Cape  Colony  and  the  way  in  which  we  were  de- 
prived of  Natal  and  the  Free  State  by  England. 
Now  for  the  case  of  the  Transvaal. 


94  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 


THE  SOUTH  AFRICAN  REPUBLIC. 

The  disastrous  fate  of  the  Trichardt  Trek  has  al- 
ready been  told.  The  Trichardts  found  the  Trans- 
vaal overrun  by  the  warriors  of  Moselikatse,  the 
King  of  the  Matabele  and  father  of  Lobengula.  The 
other  tribes  of  the  Transvaal  were  his  "dogs,"  ac- 
cording to  the  Kaffir  term. 

As  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  approach  of  the  emi- 
grant Boers  he  sent  out  an  army  to  exterminate 
them.  This  army  succeeded  in  cutting  off  and  mur- 
dering one  or  two  stragglers,  but  it  was  defeated  at 
Vechtkop  by  the  small  laager  of  Sarel  Celliers,  where 
the  Boer  women  distinguished  themselves  by  deeds 
of  striking  heroism. 

Shortly  afterwards  the  emigrant  Boers  journeyed 
across  the  Vaal  River,  and  after  two  battles  drove 
Moselikatse  and  his  hordes  across  the  Limpopo  right 
into  what  is  now  Matabeleland.  Andries  Pretorius 
had  come  into  the  Transvaal  after  the  annexation  of 
Natal  and  lived  there  quietly,  notwithstanding  the 
price  which  had  been  put  on  his  head  after  Boom- 
plaats.  The  British  Resident  in  the  Free  State, 
which  at  this  time  still  belonged  to  England,  was 
compelled  to  admit  in  a  letter  to  the  English  Gov- 
ernor that  the  fate  of  the  Free  State  depended  upon 
the  self-same  Pretorius.  It  was  owing  to  his  influ- 
ence that  Moshesh  had  not  killed  off  the  English  sol- 
diers. People  had  decided  in  England — to  quote 
Froude  once  more — to  abandon  the  Afrikanders  and 
the  Kaffirs  beyond  the  borders  to  their  fate,  in  the 
hope  that  the  Kaffirs  would  exterminate  the  Afri- 
kanders. 


THE    SOUTH    AFRICAN    REPUBLK  <jS 

According  to  Molesworth,  the  English  member 
of  parliament,  the  Colonial  Office  was  delighted 
when  the  Governor  received  a  letter  in  1S51  from 
Andries    Pretorius,    Commandant-General    of    the 

Transvaal  Boers,  in  which  he  offered  on  behalf  of 
his  people  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  British 
Government  for  a  Treaty  of  Peace  and  Friendship. 

The  price  put  on  his  head  was  promptly  cancelled, 
and  when  Sir  Harry  Smith  was  recalled  in  disgrace, 
Governor  Cathcart  was  sent  out  to  recognize  the  in- 
dependence of  the  Boers.  The  Aberdeen  Ministry 
declared  through  its  representative  in  the  House  of 
Commons  that  they  regretted  having  crossed  the 
Orange  River,  as  the  Boers  were  hostile  to  British 
rule,  and  that  Lord  Grey  had  permitted  it  out  of 
deference  to  the  views  of  Sir  Harry  Smith,  against 
his  own  better  judgment  and  convictions.  This 
policy  was  almost  unanimously  endorsed  by  the 
House  of  Commons. 

The  proposal  of  Pretorius  was  then  accepted,  and 
two  assistant  commissioners,  Hogge  and  Owen,  were 
sent  out  with  Governor  Cathcart,  and  met  the  Boer 
representatives  at  Sand  River,  a  meeting  which  re- 
sulted in  the  Sand  River  Convention,  respectively 
signed  by  both  the  contracting  parties. 

In  this  Convention,  as  in  the  later  Free  State 
Treaty,  the  Transvaal  Boers  were  guaranteed  in  the 
fullest  way  against  interference  or  hindrance  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain,  either  in  regard  to  themselves 
or  the  Natives,  to  whom  it  was  mutually  agreed  that 
the  sale  of  firearms  and  ammunition  should  be  strictly 
forbidden.  The  British  commissioners  reported  that 
the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  Trans- 
vaal   Boers  would   secure   great   advantages,  as   it 


96  THE   STORY   OP   THE   BOERS. 

would  ensure  their  friendship  and  prevent  any  union 
with  Moshesh.  It  would  also  be  a  guarantee  against 
slavery  and  would  provide  for  the  extradition  of 
criminals. 

On  the  13th  May,  1852,  great  satisfaction  was  ex- 
pressed by  the  Governor,  Sir  George  Cathcart,  in 
his  proclamation  that  one  of  the  first  acts  of  his  ad- 
ministration was  to  approve  and  fully  confirm  the 
Sand  River  Convention.  On  the  24th  June,  1852, 
the  Colonial  Secretary  also  signified  his  approval  of 
the  Convention. 

The  Republic  was  now  in  possession  of  a  Conven- 
tion, which  from  the  nature  of  its  provisions  seemed 
to  promise  a  peaceful  future.  In  addition  to  Great 
Britain  it  was  recognized  in  Holland,  France,  Ger- 
many, Belgium,  and  especially  in  the  United  States 
of  America.  The  American  Secretary  of  State  at 
Washington,  writing  to  President  Pretorius  on  the 
19th  November,  1870,  said:  "That  his  Government, 
while  heartily  acknowledging  the  Sovereignty  of  the 
Transvaal  Republic,  would  be  ready  to  take  any 
steps  which  might  be  deemed  necessary  for  that 
purpose." 

But  no  reliance  could  be  placed  on  England's 
word,  even  though  it  was  embodied  in  a  Convention 
duly  signed  and  ratified,  for  when  the  Diamond 
Fields  were  discovered,  barely  seventeen  years  later, 
England  claimed  a  portion  of  Transvaal  territory 
next  to  that  part  which  had  already  been  wrested 
from  the  Free  State.  Arbitration  was  decided  upon. 
As  the  arbitrators  could  not  agree,  the  umpire,  Gov- 
ernor Keate,  gave  judgment  against  the  Transvaal. 
Thereupon  it  appeared  that  the  English  arbitrator 
had  bought  i2,ooomorgen  (of  the  ground  in  dispute) 


THE   s<  »UTH    A.PRK  AN    REPUBLIC. 

from  the  native  Chief  Waterboer  f  r  a  m< 
and  also  that  Governor  Keate  had  accepted  Water- 
boer as  a  British  subject,  which  was  contrary  to  ;. 
Convention.      Even    Dr.  it,  who  was  no  friend 

of  the    Boers,  entered   a   protest   in   a  letter  to  the 
'/'ivies,  on  the  ground  that  the  territory  in  question 
had  all  along-  been  the  property  of  the  Transvaal. 

But  this  was  only  one  of  the  breaches  of  the  Con- 
vention. When  the  400,000  guns,  about  which 
Cunynghame  and  Modie  testify,  were  sold  to  the 
Kaffirs,  the  Transvaal  lodged  a  strong  protest  in 
1872  with  the  Cape  High  Commissioner.  Their 
only  satisfaction  was  an  insolent  reply  from  Sir 
Henry  Barkly. 

As  a  crowning  act  in  these  deeds  of  shame  came 
the  annexation  of  the  Transvaal  by  Shepstone  on  the 
12th  April,  1S77.  Sir  Bartle  Frere  was  sent  out  as 
Governor  to  Cape  Town  by  Lord  Carnarvon  to  carry 
out  the  confederation  policy  of  the  latter.  Shep- 
stone was  also  sent  to  the  Transvaal  to  annex  that 
state,  in  case  the  consent  of  the  Volksraad  or  that  of 
the  majority  of  the  inhabitants  could  be  obtained. 
The  Volksraad  protested  against  the  annexation. 
The  President  protested.  Out  of  a  possible  8,000 
burghers  6,800  protested.      But  all  in  vain. 

Bishop  Colenso  declared  that :  "  The  sly  and  under- 
hand way  in  which  the  Transvaal  has  been  annexed 
appears  to  be  unworthy  of  the  English  name." 

The  Free  State  recorded  its  deepest  regret  at  the 
Annexation. 

Even    Gladstone,   in   expressing   his   regret,    ad- 
mitted that  England  had  in  the  Transvaal  acted  in 
such  a  way  as  to  use  the  free  subjects  of  a  kingdom 
to  oppress  the  free  subjects  of  a  Republic  and  to 
7 


98  THE   STORY   OF  THE   BOERS. 

compel  them  to  accept  a  citizenship  which  they  did 
not  wish  to  have. 

But  it  was  all  of  no  avail. 

Sir  Garnet  Wolseley  declared:  "As  long  as  the 
sun  shines  the  Transvaal  will  remain  British  terri- 
tory." He  also  stated  that  the  Vaal  River  would 
flow  backward  to  its  source  over  the  Drakensberg 
before  England  would  give  up  the  Transvaal. 

Shepstone's  chief  pretexts  for  the  annexation  were 
that  the  Transvaal  could  not  subdue  Secoecoeni, 
and  that  the  Zulus  threatened  to  overpower  the 
Transvaal.  As  far  as  Secoecoeni  is  concerned,  he 
had  shortly  before  sued  for  peace,  and  the  Transvaal 
Republic  had  fined  him  2,000  head  of  cattle.  With 
regard  to  the  Zulus,  the  threatened  danger  was  never 
felt  by  the  Republic.  Four  hundred  burghers  had 
crushed  the  Zulu  power  in  1838,  and  the  burghers 
had  crowned  Panda,  Cetewayo's  father,  in  1840. 

Sir  Bartle  Frere  acknowledged  in  a  letter  to  Sir 
Robert  Herbert,  dated  12th  January,  1879,  that  he 
could  not  understand  how  it  was  that  the  Zulus  had 
left  Natal  unmolested  for  so  long,  until  he  found  out 
that  the  Zulus  had  been  thoroughly  subdued  by  the 
Boers  during  Dingaan's  time.  Just  before  the  An- 
nexation a  small  patrol  of  Boers  had  pursued  the 
Chief  Umbeline  into  the  very  heart  of  Zululand. 
But  Bishop  Colenso  points  out  clearly  what  a  fraudu- 
lent stalking  horse  the  Zulu  difficulty  was.  There 
had  been  a  dispute  of  some  years'  standing  between 
the  Transvaal  and  the  Zulus  about  a  strip  of  terri- 
tory along  the  border,  which  had  been  claimed  and 
occupied  by  the  Boers  since  1869.  The  question 
was  referred  to  Shepstone  before  the  Annexation 
while  he  was  still  in  Natal,  and  he  gave  a  direct  de- 


THE   SOUTH    AFRICAN'    REPUBLIC.  99 

cision  against  the  Boers  and  in  favor  of  the  Zulus. 
There  was  thus  no  cause  on  that  account  for  the  fear 
of  a  Zulu  attack  upon  the  Transvaal.  Rut  scarcely 
had  Shepstone  become  administrator  of  the  Trans- 
vaal when  he  declared  the  ground  in  dispute  to  be 
British  territory,  and  discovered  that  there  was  the 
strongest  evidence  for  the  contention  of  the  Boers 
that  the  Zulus  had  no  right  to  the  ground.  Bulwer, 
Governor  of  Natal,  appointed  a  Boundary  Commis- 
sion, which  decided  in  favor  of  the  Zulus,  but  Shep- 
stone vehemently  opposed  their  verdict,  and  Bartle 
Frere  and  the  High  Commissioner  (Wolseley)  fol- 
lowed him  blindly.  The  result  was  that  England 
sent  an  ultimatum  to  the  Zulus,  and  the  Zulu  war 
took  place,  which  lowered  the  prestige  of  England 
among  the  Natives  of  South  Africa. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  Shepstone's  two  chief  rea- 
sons for  the  Annexation  were  devoid  of  foundation. 

It  was  naturally  difficult  for  the  Secretary  of  State 
to  justify  his  instructions  that  the  Annexation  of  the 
Transvaal  was  only  to  take  place  in  case  a  majority 
of  the  inhabitants  favored  such  a  course,  in  face  of 
the  fact  that  6,800  out  of  8,000  burghers  had  pro- 
tested against  it. 

But  both  Shepstone  and  Lord  Carnarvon  declared 
without  a  shadow  of  proof  that  the  signatures  of  the 
protesting  petitions  were  obtained  under  threats  of 
violence.  The  case,  indeed,  was  exactly  the  reverse. 
When  the  meeting  was  held  at  Pretoria  to  sign  this 
petition,  Shepstone  caused  the  cannons  to  be  pointed 
at  the  assemblage.  As  if  this  were  not  enough,  he 
issued  a  menacing  proclamation  against  the  signing 
of  the  petition. 

When  these  pretexts  were  thus  disposed  of,  they 


IOO  THE    STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

relied  on  the  fact  that  the  Annexation  was  a  fait 
accompli. 

Delegates  were  sent  to  England  to  protest  against 
the  Annexation,  but  Lord  Carnarvon  told  them  that 
he  would  only  be  misleading  them  if  he  held  out 
any  hope  of  restitution.  Gladstone  afterwards  en- 
dorsed this  by  saying  that  he  could  not  advise  the 
Queen  to  withdraw  her  Sovereignty  from  the  Trans- 
vaal. 

When  it  was  represented  that  the  Annexation  was 
a  deliberate  breach  of  the  Sand  River  Convention, 
Sir  Bartle  Frere  replied,  in  1879,  that  if  they  wished 
to  go  back  to  the  Sand  River  Convention  they  might 
just  as  well  go  back  to  the  Creation! 

It  is  necessary  here  not  to  lose  sight  of  the  fact 
that  the  ground,  which,  according  to  the  Keate 
award  in  1870,  had  been  declared  to  lie  beyond  the 
borders  of  the  Republic,  was  now  included  by  Shep- 
stone  as  being  part  of  the  Transvaal. 

There  were,  however,  other  matters  which  under 
Republican  administration  were  branded  as  wrong, 
but  which  under  English  rule  were  perfectly  right. 
In  the  Secoecoeni  war  under  the  Republic  the  Brit- 
ish High  Commissioner  had  protested  against  the 
use  of  the  Swazies  and  Volunteers  by  the  Republic 
in  conducting  the  campaign. 

Under  British  administration  the  war  was  carried 
on  at  first  by  regulars  only,  but  when  these  were  de- 
feated by  the  Kaffirs  an  army  of  Swazies  as  well  as 
Volunteers  was  collected.  The  number  of  the 
former  can  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  500 
Swazies  were  killed.  The  atrocities  committed  by 
these  Swazi  allies  of  the  English  on  the  people  of 
Secoecoeni' s  tribe  were  truly  awful. 


THE  H    A]  RICAN    REPUBLK  toi 

Bishop   Colenso,   who  1   this  incid< 

said,  with  regard  to  the  results  of  the   '    •  exation  of 

the  Republic,  that  the  Zululaiul  difficulty,  as  well  as 
that  with  Secoecoeni,  was  the  direct  i  on»  quence  of 

the  unfortunate  Annexation  of  the  Transvaal,  which 
would  not  have  happened  if  we  had  not  taken  pos- 
session of  the  country  like  a  lot  of  freebooters,  partly 
by  "  trickery,"  partly  by  "  bullying."  Elsewhere  he 
said:  "And  in  this  way  we  annexed  the  Transvaal, 
and  that  act  brought  as  its  Nemesis  the  Zulu  diffi- 
culty." 

That  the  British  Government  had  all  along  con- 
sidered the  Zulus  as  a  means  of  annihilating  the 
Transvaal  when  a  favorable  opportunity  occurred  is 
clear  from  a  letter  which  the  High  Commissioner, 
Sir  Bartle  Frere,  wrote  to  General  Ponsonby,  in 
which  he  says: 

"  That  while  the  Boer  Republic  was  a  rival  and 
semi-hostile  power,  it  was  a  Natal  weakness  rather 
to  pet  the  Zulus  as  one  might  a  tame  wolf  who  only 
devoured  one's  neighbors'  sheep.  We  always  re- 
monstrated, but  rather  feebly,  and  now  that  both 
flocks  belong  to  us  we  are  rather  embarrassed  in 
stopping  the  wolf's  ravages." 

And  again  in  a  letter  to  Sir  Robert  Herbert : 
"  The  Boers  were  aggressive,  the  English  were 
not;  and  were  well  inclined  to  help  the  Zulus  against 
the  Boers.  I  have  been  shocked  to  find  how  very 
close  to  the  wind  the  predecessors  of  the  present 
Government  here  have  sailed  in  supporting  the 
Zulus  against  Boer  aggression.  Mr.  John  Dunn, 
still  a  salaried  official  of  this  Government,  thinking 
himself  bound  to  explain  his  own  share  in  supplying 
rifles  to  the  Zulus  in  consequence  of  the  revelations 


102  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

in  a  late  trial  of  a  Durban  gun-runner,  avows  that 
he  did  so  with  the  knowledge,  if  not  the  consent, 
and  at  the  suggestion  of  (naming  a  high  Colonial 
Official)  in  Natal.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Natal 
sympathy  was  strongly  with  the  Zulus  as  against  the 
Boers,  and,  what  is  worse,  is  so  still. " 

Under  such  circumstances  did  the  Annexation  take 
place.  The  English  did  not  scruple  to  make  use  of 
Kaffir  aid  against  the  Boers,  as  at  Boomplaats,  and 
it  was  brought  home  in  every  possible  way  to  the 
British  Nation  that  a  great  wrong  had  been  com- 
mitted here;  but  even  the  High  Commissioner, 
though  he  heard  the  words  issue  from  our  bleeding 
hearts,  wished  that  he  had  brought  some  artillery  in 
order  to  disperse  us,  and  misrepresented  us  beyond 
measure. 

Full  of  hope  we  said  to  ourselves  if  only  the 
Queen  of  England  and  the  English  people  knew  that 
in  the  Transvaal  a  people  were  being  oppressed 
they  would  never  suffer  it. 

But  we  had  now  to  admit  that  it  was  of  no  use  ap- 
pealing to  England  because  there  was  no  one  to  hear 
us.  Trusting  in  the  Almighty  God  of  righteousness 
and  justice,  we  armed  ourselves  for  an  apparently 
hopeless  struggle  in  the  firm  conviction  that  whether 
we  conquered  or  whether  we  died  the  sun  of  free- 
dom in  South  Africa  would  arise  out  of  the  morning 
mists.  With  God's  all-powerful  aid  we  gained  the 
victory,  and  for  a  time  at  least  it  seemed  as  if  our 
liberty  was  secure. 

At  Bronkorst  Spruit,  at  Laing's  Nek,  at  Ingogo, 
and  at  Majuba,  God  gave  us  victory,  although  in 
each  case  the  British  troopers  outnumbered  us,  and 
were  more  powerfully  armed  than  ourselves. 


CONVENTIONS   OF    18S1    AND    1884.         1 03 

After  these  victories  had  given  new  force  to  our 
arguments,  the  British  Government,  tinder  the  lead- 
ership of  Gladstone,  a  man  whom  we  shall  never 
forget,  decided  to  cancel  the  Annexation  and  to  re- 
store to  us  our  violated  rights. 

CONVENTIONS  ( >P  1881  AND  1884. 

An  ordinary  person  would  have  thought  that  the 
only  upright  way  of  carrying  a  policy  of  restitution 
into  effect  would  have  been  for  the  British  Govern- 
ment to  have  returned  to  the  provisions  of  the  Sand 
River  Convention.  If  the  Annexation  was  wrong 
in  itself — without  taking  the  Boer  victories  into  con- 
sideration— then  it  ought  to  have  been  abolished 
with  all  its  consequences,  and  there  ought  to  have 
been  a  restitutio  in  integrum  of  that  Republic;  that 
is  to  say,  the  Boers  ought  to  have  been  placed  in 
exactly  the  same  position  as  they  were  in  before  the 
Annexation.  But  what  happened?  With  a  mag- 
nanimity which  the  English  press  and  English  ora- 
tors are  never  tired  of  vaunting,  they  gave  us  back 
our  country,  but  the  violation  of  the  Sand  River 
Convention  remained  unredressed.  Instead  of  a 
sovereign  freedom,  we  obtained  free  internal  ad- 
ministration, subject  to  the  suzerain  power  of  Her 
Majesty  over  the  Republic.  This  occurred  by  virtue 
of  the  Convention  of  Pretoria,  the  preamble  of  which 
bestowed  self-government  on  the  Transvaal  State 
with  the  express  reservation  of  suzerainty.  The 
articles  of  that  Convention  endeavored  to  establish 
a  modus  vivendi  between  such  self-government  and 
the  aforesaid  suzerainty.  Under  this  bilateral  ar- 
rangement the   Republic  was  governed    for   three 


104  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

years  by  two  heterogeneous  principles — that  of  rep- 
resentative self-government  and  that  represented  by 
the  British  agent.  This  system  was  naturally  un- 
workable ;  it  was  also  clear  that  the  arrangement  of 
1 88 1  was  not  to  be  considered  as  final. 

The  suzerainty  was  above  all  an  absurdity  which 
was  not  possible  to  reconcile  with  practical  efficacy. 
So  with  the  approval  of  the  British  Government  a 
Deputation  went  to  London  in  1883,  in  order  to  get 
the  status  of  the  Republic  altered  and  to  substitute 
a  new  Convention  for  that  of  Pretoria.    The  Deputa- 
tion proposed  to  return  to  the  position  as  laid  down 
by  the  Sand  River  Convention,  and  that  was  in  fact 
the  only  upright  and  statesmanlike  arrangement  pos- 
sible.    But  according  to  the  evidence  of  one  of  the 
witnesses  on  the  British  side,  the  Rev.  D.  P.  Faure, 
the   Ministry   suffered   from   a  very  unwholesome 
dread  of  parliament ;  so  it  would  not  agree  to  this, 
and  submitted  a  counter-proposal  which  eventually 
was  accepted  by  the  Deputation,  and  the  conditions 
of  which  are  to-day  of  the  greatest  importance  to  us. 
This  Draft  was  constructed  out  of  the  Pretoria 
Convention  with  such  alterations  as  were  designed 
to  make  it  acceptable  to  the  Deputation.     The  pre- 
amble under  which  complete  self-government,  sub- 
ject to  the  suzerainty,  was  granted  to  the  Republic 
was  deliberately  erased  by  Lord  Derby,  then  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  the  Colonies,  so  that  the  suzerainty 
naturally  lapsed  when  the  Draft  was  eventually  ac- 
cepted.    In  order  to  make  it  perfectly  clear  that  the 
status  of  the  Republic  was  put  upon  another  basis, 
the  title  "  Transvaal  State  "  was  altered  to  that  of  the 
"  South  African  Republic."     All  articles  in  the  Pre- 
toria Convention  which   gave  the  British  Govern- 


CONVENTION'S   OF    1881    AND    1884.         105 

ment  any  authority  in  the  internal  affairs  of  this 
Republic  were  done  away  with.  As  far  as  foreign 
affairs  were  concerned,  a  great  and  far-reaching 
change  was  made.  It  was  stipulated  in  Article  2  of 
the  Pretoria  Convention  that"  Her  Majesty  reserves 
to  herself,  her  heirs  and  successors  (<?),  the  right 
from  time  to  time  to  appoint  a  British  Resident  in 
and  for  the  said  State,  with  such  duties  and  func- 
tions as  are  hereinafter  defined;  (/;),  the  right  to 
move  troops  through  the  said  State  in  time  of  war  or 
in  case  of  the  apprehension  of  immediate  war  be- 
tween the  Suzerain  Power  and  any  Foreign  State  or 
Native  tribe  in  South  Africa;  and  (c),  the  control  of 
the  external  relations  of  the  said  State,  including  the 
conclusion  of  treaties  and  the  conduct  of  diplomatic 
intercourse  with  Foreign  Powers,  such  intercourse  to 
be  carried  on  through  Her  Majesty's  diplomatic  and 
consular  officers  abroad." 

This  was  superseded  by  Article  4  of  the  Conven- 
tion of  London,  which  was  to  the  following  effect: 

"The  South  African  Republic  will  conclude  no 
treaty  or  engagement  with  any  State  or  Nation  other 
than  the  Orange  Free  State,  nor  with  any  Native 
tribe  to  the  eastward  or  westward  of  the  Republic, 
until  the  same  has  been  approved  by  Her  Majesty 
the  Queen. 

"  Such  approval  shall  be  considered  to  have  been 
granted  if  Her  Majesty's  Government  shall  not, 
within  six  months  after  receiving  a  copy  of  such 
treaty  (which  shall  be  delivered  to  them  immedi- 
ately upon  its  completion),  have  notified  that  the 
conclusion  of  such  treaty  is  in  conflict  with  the  in- 
terests of  Great  Britain,  or  any  of  Her  Majesty's 
possessions  in  South  Africa." 


106     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

The  right  of  the  British  Government  to  exercise 
control  over  all  our  foreign  relations  and  to  conduct 
all  our  diplomatic  negotiations  through  its  own 
Agent  was  thus  replaced  by  the  far  more  slender 
right  of  approving  or  disapproving  of  our  treaties 
and  conventions  after  they  were  completed,  and  then 
only  when  it  affected  the  interests  of  Great  Britain 
or  Her  Majesty's  possessions  in  South  Africa. 

It  was  this  Article  4  which  gave  an  appearance  of 
truth  (and  an  appearance  only)  to  Lord  Derby's 
declaration  in  the  House  of  Lords  that  although  he 
had  omitted  the  term  of  suzerainty,  the  substance 
thereof  remained.  It  would  have  been  more  correct 
to  have  said  that  owing  to  the  lapse  of  suzerainty 
the  South  African  Republic  no  longer  fell  under  the 
head  of  a  semi-suzerain  State,  but  that  it  had  be- 
come  a  free,  independent,  sovereign  international 
State,  the  sovereignty  of  which  was  only  limited  by 
the  restriction  contained  in  Article  4  of  the  Conven- 
tion. Sovereignty  need  not  of  necessity  be  abso- 
lute. Belgium  is  a  sovereign  international  State, 
although  it  is  bound  to  observe  a  condition  of  per- 
manent neutrality.  The  South  African  Republic 
falls  undoubtedly  under  this  category  of  States,  the 
sovereignty  of  which  is  limited  in  one  or  other  de- 
fined direction.  But  the  fact  of  its  sovereignty  is 
nevertheless  irrefutable.  It  will  be  pointed  out 
later  how  this  position,  which  is  undoubtedly  the 
correct  one,  has  been  consistently  upheld  by  the 
Government  of  the  South  African  Republic,  but  it 
is  necessary  now  to  revert  to  the  historical  develop- 
ment. 


(  APITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  107 

CAPITALISTIC  JINGOISM. 
First  Period. 

In  1886  gold  was  discovered  in  great  quantities 
and  in  different  parts  of  the  South  African  Repub- 
lic, and  with  that  discovery  our  people  entered  upon 
a  new  phase  of  their  history.  The  South  African 
Republic  was  to  develop  within  a  few  years  from 
a  condition  of  great  poverty  into  a  rich  and  prosper- 
ous State,  a  country  calculated  in  every  respect  to 
awaken  and  inflame  the  greed  of  the  Capitalistic 
speculator.  Within  a  few  years  the  South  African 
Republic  was  ranked  among  the  first  gold-produc- 
ing countries  of  the  world.  The  bare  veldt  of 
hitherto  was  overspread  with  large  townships  in- 
habited by  a  speculative  and  bustling  class  brought 
together  from  all  corners  of  the  earth.  The  Boers, 
who  had  hitherto  followed  pastoral  and  hunting  pur- 
suits, were  now  called  upon  to  fulfil  one  of  the  most 
difficult  tasks  in  the  world — namely,  the  manage- 
ment of  a  complicated  administration  and  the  gov- 
ernment of  a  large  digging  population  which  had 
sprung  up  suddenly  under  the  most  extraordinary 
circumstances.  And  how  have  they  acquitted  them- 
selves of  the  task?  We  quote  the  following  from  a 
brilliant  pamphlet  by  Olive  Schreiner,  who  pos- 
sesses a  deeper  insight  into  the  true  condition  of 
affairs  in  South  Africa  than  has  been  vouchsafed  to 
any  other  writer  on  the  same  subject : 

"  We  put  it  to  all  generous  and  just  spirits,  whether 
of  statesmen  or  thinkers,  whether  the  little  Repub- 
lic does  not  deserve  our  sympathy,  which  wise  minds 


108  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

give  to  all  who  have  to  deal  with  new  and  complex 
problems,  where  the  past  experience  of  humanity 
has  not  marked  out  a  path — and  whether,  if  we  touch 
the  subject  at  all,  it  is  not  necessary  that  it  should 
be  in  that  large,  impartial,  truth-seeking  spirit  in 
which  humanity  demands  we  should  approach  all 
great  social  difficulties  and  questions? 

"  It  is  sometimes  said  that  when  one  stands  look- 
ing down  from  the  edge  of  this  hill  at  the  great  min- 
ing camp  of  Johannesburg  stretching  beneath,  with 
its  heaps  of  white  sand  and  debris  mountain  high, 
its  mining  chimneys  belching  forth  smoke,  with  its 
seventy  thousand  Kaffirs  and  its  eighty  thousand 
men  and  women,  white  or  colored,  of  all  nationali- 
ties, gathered  here  in  the  space  of  a  few  years  on  the 
spot  where,  fifteen  years  ago,  the  Boer's  son  guided 
his  sheep  to  the  water,  and  the  Boer's  wife  sat  alone 
at  evening  at  the  house  door  to  watch  the  sunset,  we 
are  looking  upon  one  of  the  most  wonderful  specta- 
cles on  earth.  And  it  is  wonderful;  but  as  we  look 
at  it  the  thought  always  arises  within  us  of  some- 
thing more  wonderful  yet — the  marvellous  manner 
in  which  a  little  nation  of  simple  folk,  living  in  peace 
in  the  land  they  loved,  far  from  the  rush  of  cities 
and  the  concourse  of  men,  have  risen  to  the  difficul- 
ties of  their  condition ;  how  they,  without  instruc- 
tion in  statecraft  or  traditionary  rules  of  policy, 
have  risen  to  face  their  great  difficulties,  and  have 
sincerely  endeavored  to  meet  them  in  a  large  spirit, 
and  have  largely  succeeded.  Nothing  but  that  curi- 
ous and  wonderful  instinct  for  statecraft  and  the 
organization  and  arrangement  of  new  social  condi- 
tions which  seem  inherent  as  a  gift  of  the  blood  to 
all  those  peoples  who  took  their  rise  in  the  little 


CAPITALISTIC    JINGOISM.  lOrj 

deltas  on  the  northeast  of  the  Continent  of  Europe 
where  the  English  and  Dutch  peoples  alike  took 
their  rise  could  have  made  it  possible.  We  do  not 
say  that  the  Transvaal  Republic  has  among  its  guides 
and  rulers  a  Solon  or  a  Lycurgus,  but  it  has  to-day 
among  the  men  guiding  its  destiny,  men  of  brave 
and  earnest  spirit,  wh  eking  manfully  and  pro- 

foundly to  deal  with  the  great  problems  before  them 
in  a  wide  spirit  of  humanity  and  justice.  And  we 
do  again  repeat  that  the  strong  sympathy  of  all  ear- 
nest and  thoughtful  minds,  not  only  in  Africa,  but 
in  England,  should  be  with  them." 

If  one  compares  the  gold  fields  of  the  Witwaters- 
rand  with  those  of  other  countries,  it  is  certain  that 
the  former  can  claim  to  be  the  best  governed  min- 
ing area  in  the  world.  This  is  the  almost  unani- 
mous verdict  of  people  who  have  had  a  lengthy  ex- 
perience of  the  gold  fields  of  California,  Australia 
and  Klondike. 

As  far  as  South  Africa  is  concerned,  it  is  only 
necessary  to  instance  the  diamond  fields  of  Griqua- 
land  West  when  they  were  directly  administered  by 
the  British  Government.  They  then  afforded  a  con- 
tinual spectacle  of  rebellion,  rioting  and  indescrib- 
able uncertainty  of  and  danger  to  life  and  property. 

The  evidence  of  eye  witnesses  can  be  quoted  as 
to  the  chaos  which  characterized  the  condition  of  the 
diamond  fields  when  under  British  rule— a  condition 
which  differs  from  that  of  the  Witwatersrand  gold 
fields  as  night  from  day.  Reference  will  be  made 
later  on  to  the  administration  of  the  gold  fields  of 
the  South  African  Republic.  For  the  present  it  is 
necessary  to  glance  at  certain  forces  which  had  been 
developed  on  the  diamond  fields  of  the  Cape  Colony 


HO     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

and  which  have  introduced  a  new  factor  of  over- 
whelming importance  into  the  South  African  situa- 
tion. 

The  development  of  British  policy  in  South  Africa 
had  hitherto  been  influenced  at  different  times,  and 
in  a  greater  or  less  degree  by  the  spirit  of  Jingoism 
and  by  that  zeal  for  Annexation  which  is  so  charac- 
teristic of  the  trading  instincts  of  the  race.  It  was, 
however,  a  policy  that  had  been  conducted  in  other 
respects  on  continuous  lines,  and  it  might  be  justi- 
fied by  the  argument  that  it  was  necessary  in  the 
interests  of  the  Empire.  But  Capitalism  was  the 
new  factor  which  was  about  to  play  such  an  impor- 
tant role  in  the  history  of  South  Africa.  The  nat- 
ural differences  in  men  find  their  highest  expression 
in  the  varieties  of  influence  which  one  man  exercises 
over  another ;  this  influence  can  either  be  of  a  relig- 
ious, moral,  political,  or  purely  material  nature. 
Material  influence  generally  takes  the  form  of 
money,  or  the  financial  nexus,  as  an  English  writer 
has  termed  it.  An  unusual  combination  of  this 
form  of  influence  leads  to  Capitalism  just  as  an  un- 
usual combination  of  political  influence  leads  to 
tyranny,  and  an  unusual  combination  of  religious 
influence  to  hierarchical  despotism.  Capitalism  is 
the  modern  peril  which  threatens  to  become  as  dan- 
gerous to  mankind  as  the  political  tyranny  of  the 
old  Eastern  world  and  the  religious  despotism  of  the 
Middle  Ages  were  in  their  respective  eras. 

In  a  part  of  the  world  so  rich  in  minerals  of  all  de- 
scriptions as  the  Transvaal,  it  is  natural  that  Capi- 
talism should  play  a  considerable  role.  Unfortu- 
nately in  South  Africa  it  has  from  the  very  first 
attempted  to  go  far  beyond  its  legitimate  scope ;  it 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  i  i  I 

has  endeavored  to  gain  political  power  and  to  make 
all  other  forms  of  government  and  influence  subser- 
vient to  its  own  ends.  The  measure  of  its  success 
can  be  clearly  gauged  by  the  fact  that  all  South 
Africa  is  standing  to-day  on  the  brink  of  a  great 
precipice,  and  may  be  hurled  into  the  abyss  before 
the  ink  on  these  pages  is  dry. 

The  spirit  of  Capitalism  found  its  incarnation  in 
Mr.  Cecil  Rhodes,  who  was  able  to  amalgamate  the 
pressing  and  conflicting  interests  of  the  Diamond 
Fields  into  the  one  great  corporation  of  which  he  is 
the  head. 

Although  he  probably  had  no  exceptional  aptitude 
for  politics,  he  was  irresistibly  drawn  toward  them 
by  the  stress  of  his  interests.  By  means  of  his  finan- 
cial influence,  together  with  a  double  allowance  of 
elasticity  of  conscience,  he  succeeded  so  far  as  to  be- 
come Prime  Minister  of  the  Cape  Colony,  and  was 
powerfully  and  solidly  supported  by  the  Afrikander 
party.  The  Afrikanders  believed  in  him  because 
they  were  really  and  deeply  imbued  with  the  neces- 
sity of  the  co-operation  and  fusion  of  the  two  white 
races  in  South  Africa,  and  he,  as  a  loyal  Englishman, 
but  fully  possessing  the  confidence  of  Colonial 
Afrikanderdom,  seemed  to  them  just  the  very  per- 
son to  realize  their  ideal. 

To  a  careful  observer  the  alliance  between  Afrikan- 
derdom and  Capitalism  was  bound  to  lead  to  a  rup- 
ture sooner  or  later.  Deeply  rooted  and  pure 
national  sentiment  as  well  as  burning  conviction 
form  the  basis  of  Afrikander  policy,  and  it  was 
obvious  that  in  the  long  run  it  would  be  discovered 
that  this  policy  could  never  be  made  subservient  to 
purely  financial  interests. 


112  THE    STORY   OF    THE    BOERS. 

But  there  was  another  factor.  There  was  that 
debased  form  of  patriotism  called  Jingoism.  It  is  a 
form  of  party  politics  without  solid  convictions  or 
real  beliefs,  which  puffs  itself  out  with  big  words 
and  with  the  froth  of  high-sounding  ideas  and  prin- 
ciples. It  is  a  policy,  nevertheless,  which  appeals 
most  strongly  to  the  instincts  of  self-interest  and  to 
the  illegal  appropriation  of  other  people's  property. 
It  revels  in  the  lust  of  boasting,  so  deeply  engraved 
in  human  nature.  In  a  word,  it  is  a  policy  which  is 
in  direct  opposition  to  the  true  spirit  of  religion,  to 
the  altruistic  ideals  of  humanity,  and  to  that  senti- 
ment of  humility  and  moderation  which  is  the  nat- 
ural basis  of  all  morality. 

Here,  indeed,  were  the  elements  of  an  enduring 
alliance — an  alliance  between  Capitalism,  with  its 
great  material  influence,  but  barren  of  any  one  sin- 
gle exalted  idea  or  principle  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Jingoism,  sterile,  empty,  soulless,  but  with  a  rich 
stock-in-trade  of  bombastic  ideas  and  principles, 
prompted  by  the  most  selfish  aspirations,  on  the  other 
hand. 

The  one  was  eminently  calculated  to  form  the 
complement  of  the  other,  thus  creating  a  natural 
alliance  which  is  rapidly  becoming  a  menace  all  the 
world  over  to  the  best  and  most  enduring  interests 
of  humanity. 

This  capitalistic  Jingoism  is  the  tree  from  which 
it  is  the  lot  of  our  unfortunate  South  Africa  to 
gather  such  bitter  fruit  to-day. 

Mr.  Rhodes,  with  that  treacherous  duplicity  which 
is  an  enduring  characteristic  of  British  policy  in 
South  Africa,  co-operated  publicly,  and  in  the  closest 
relationship,  with  the  Colonial  Afrikanders,  while  he 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  i  13 

was  secretly  ating  a  conspiracy  with  Jingoism 

against  the  Cape  Afrikanders  and  the  South  African 
Republics.  He  already  had  the  Afrikanders  in  the 
Cape  Colony  under  his  his  aim  was  now  to 

gain  the  same  influence  in  the  South  African  Re- 
public, with  its  rich  gold  mines — not  so  much,  per- 
haps, for  himself  personally  as  for  Capitalism,  with 
which  his   i-  ts    were  so   closely  identified       In 

case  of  success  he  would  obtain  his  personal  aim, 
and  Capitalism  would  be  absolutely  despotic  in 
South  Africa.  With  an  eye  to  this  end  he,  with 
other  capitalists,  began  in  1S92  to  foment  a  political 
agitation  in  Johannesburg  against  the  Republic.  In 
a  place  like  Johannesburg,  where  drink  is  consumed 
in  great  quantities,  and  where  the  high  altitude  and 
the  stress  of  business  all  tend  to  keep  people's  spir- 
its in  a  constant  state  of  excitability,  it  was  easy 
enough,  with  the  aid  of  money,  to  bring  about  a 
state  of  political  ferment  in  a  very  short  time, 
especially  as  just  that  measure  of  grievances  existed 
to  give  a  color  of  truth  to  the  imaginary  ones. 

Under  these  conditions  the  National  Union  move- 
ment originated  in  1892.  Its  adherents  were  en- 
tirely composed  of  the  creatures  and  parasites  of  the 
capitalists,  with  a  few  honest  fools  and  enthusiasts 
who  naturally  did  not  think  deeply  enough  to  dis- 
cern the  aim  and  the  trend  of  this  hypocritical  move- 
ment. 

The  capitalists  at  this  time  certainly  kept  well  in 
the  background,  in  order  that  the  movement  might 
have  the  appearance  of  being  a  popular  one.  The 
capitalists  of  Johannesburg  were,  however,  a  theat- 
rical lot,  and  the  desire  to  play  a  prominent  role  was 
too  intense  to  be  suppressed  for  any  length  of  time, 
8 


114  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

so  that  after  the  lapse  of  a  couple  of  years  they 
naturally  took  the  leading  part  in  the  opera  bouffe 
agitation  which  followed. 

They  began,  by  means  of  the  lowest  and  most  re- 
pulsive methods,  to  undermine  the  Boer  policy  in 
order  to  gain  the  mastery  of  the  mining  legislation 
and  administration.  They  had  persuaded  them- 
selves and  the  rest  of  the  world  that  the  Boers  were 
as  a  body  corrupt  and  tainted,  so  they  armed  them- 
selves with  the  power  of  money  in  order  to  over- 
throw them. 

Lionel  Phillips  wrote  in  this  spirit  on  the  16th 
June,  1894,  to  Beit  in  London: 

"  I  may  here  say  that,  as  you,  of  course,  know,  I 
have  no  desire  for  political  rights,  and  believe  as  a 
whole  that  the  community  is  not  ambitious  in  this 
respect.  The  bewaarplaatsen  question  will,  I  think, 
be  settled  in  our  favor,  but  at  a  cost  of  about  ^2 5, 000. 
It  is  proposed  to  spend  a  good  deal  of  money  in  order 
to  secure  a  better  Raad,  but  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  spending  of  money  on  elections  has,  by  re- 
cent legislation,  been  made  a  criminal  offence,  and 
the  matter  will  have  to  be  carefully  handled." 

On  the  15th  July,  1894,  he  wrote  again  to  the 
same  correspondent :  "  Our  trump  card  is  a  fund  of 
;£io — 15,000  to  improve  the  Raad.  Unfortunately 
the  companies  have  no  secret  service  fund.  I  must 
divine  a  way.     We  don't  want  to  shell  out  ourselves. " 

Here  we  catch  a  glimpse  behind  the  scenes,  and 
we  observe  how  the  Capitalists  in  1894  had  already 
endeavored  to  lower  and  vitiate  our  public  life  by 
methods  which  did  not  even  recoil  before  the  crim- 
inal law  of  the  land,  to  say  nothing  of  elementary 
morality. 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  115 

And  did  they  succeed?  Were  the  people  and  the 
Volksraad  as  corrupt  as  they  thought  and  as  they 
still  endeavor  to  make  the  world  believe?  Their 
failure  is  the  best  and  most  complete  answer  to  this 
calumny. 

If  corruption  on  a  large  scale,  however,  failed  to 
ensure  the  triumph  of  Capitalism  over  the  commu- 
nity, the  other  trump  card  of  Jingoism  still  remained. 
The  pulse  of  the  High  Commissioner  was  felt  by 
Mr.  Lionel  Phillips,  and  what  was  the  answer  of  Sir 
Henry  Loch,  Her  Majesty's  representative  in  South 
Africa?  We  extract  from  the  same  secret  letter  book 
from  which  we  have  already  quoted  the  following 
letter,  dated  1st  July,  addressed  to  Wernher,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  influential  firm  of  Wernher,  Beit  &  Co.  : 

"  Sir  Henry  Loch  (with  whom  I  had  two  long  pri- 
vate interviews  alone)  asked  me  some  very  pointed 
questions,  such  as  what  arms  we  had  in  Johannes- 
burg, whether  the  population  could  hold  the  place 
for  six  days  until  help  could  arrive,  etc.,  etc.,  and 
stated  plainly  that  if  there  had  been  three  thousand 
rifles  and  ammunition  here  he  would  certainly  have 
come  over. " 

And  so  on  in  the  same  strain.  Sir  Henry  Loch 
endorsed  the  truth  of  these  statements  two  years 
later  by  boasting  openly  in  the  House  of  Lords 
about  his  plans  for  organizing  a  raid  into  the  South 
African  Republic. 

And  all  this  happened  while  he  (Sir  Henry  Loch) 
was  the  guest  of  our  Government  and  engaged  in 
friendly  negotiations  about  the  interests  of  British 
subjects.  To  what  a  depth  had  British  policy  in 
South  Africa  already  degenerated.  Within  two 
years,  however,  a  deeper  abyss  was  to  open. 


Il6  THE    STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

The  secret  conspiracy  of  the  Capitalists  and  Jin- 
goes to  overthrow  the  South  African  Republic  began 
now  to  gain  ground  with  great  rapidity,  for  just  at 
this  critical  period  Mr.  Chamberlain  became  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  the  Colonies.  In  the  secret  corre- 
spondence of  the  conspirators  reference  is  continu- 
ally made  to  the  Colonial  Office  in  a  manner  which, 
taken  in  connection  with  later  revelations  and  with 
a  successful  suppression  of  the  truth,  has  deepened 
the  impression  over  the  whole  world  that  the  Colo- 
nial Office  was  privy  to,  if  not  an  accomplice  in,  the 
villainous  attack  on  the  South  African  Republic. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  at  length  on  the  Jame- 
son Raid;  the  world  has  not  yet  forgotten  how  the 
Administrators  of  a  British  province,  carrying  out  a 
conspiracy  headed  by  the  Prime  Minister  of  the 
Cape  Colony,  attacked  the  South  African  Republic 
with  an  armed  band  in  order  to  assist  the  Capitalist 
revolution  of  Johannesburg  in  overthrowing  the 
Boer  Government;  how  this  raid  and  this  revolu- 
tion were  upset  by  the  vigilance  of  the  Boers;  how 
Jameson  and  his  filibusters  were  handed  over  to 
England  to  stand  their  trial — although  the  Boers 
had  the  power  and  the  right  to  shoot  them  down  as 
robbers ;  how  the  whole  gang  of  Johannesburg  Capi- 
talists pleaded  guilty  to  treason  and  sedition ;  how, 
instead  of  confiscating  all  their  property  and  thus 
dealing  a  death  blow  to  Capitalistic  influence  in 
South  Africa,  the  Government  dealt  most  leniently 
with  them  (an  act  of  magnanimity  which  was  re- 
warded by  their  aiding  and  abetting  a  still  more 
dangerous  agitation  three  years  later). 

Nor  has  the  world  forgotten  how,  at  the  urgent 
instance  of  the  Afrikander  party  in  the  Cape  Colony, 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  n; 

an  investigation  into  the  causes  of  the  conflict  was 
held  in  Westminster;  how  that  investigation  degen- 
erated intoa  low  attack  upon  the  Government  of  I 

sorely  maligned  and  de<  ply  injured  South  African 
Republic,  and  how  at  the  last  moment  when  the 
truth  was   on  the   point  of   bei  led  and  the 

conspiracy  traced  to  its  fountain  head  in  the  British 
Cabinet,  the  Commission  decided  all  of  a  sudden  not 
to  make  certain  compromising  documents  public. 

Here  we  see  to  what  a  depth  the  old  great  tradi- 
tions of  British  Constitutionalism  had  sunk  under  the 
influence  of  the  ever-increasing  and  all-absorbine 
lust  of  gold,  and  in  the  hands  of  a  sharp-witted 
wholesale  dealer,  who,  like  Cleon  of  old,  has  consti- 
tuted himself  a  statesman.  Treachery  and  violence 
not  having  been  able  to  attain  their  objects,  "  Con- 
stitutional means"  were  to  be  invoked  (as  Mr. 
Rhodes  openly  boasted  before  the  aforesaid  Com- 
mission), so  as  to  make  Capitalistic  Jingoism  master 
of  the  situation  in  South  Africa. 

CAPITALISTIC  JINGOISM. 

Second  Period. 

The  foregoing  sketch  has  shown  how  deeply  our 
people  felt  and  resented  the  wrong  that  was  done  to 
them.  It  was  to  be  expected  that  such  a  treacher- 
ous attack  on  the  Republics,  emanating  from  their 
own  leader,  would  awaken  the  Afrikanders  even  in 
the  remotest  districts,  and  would  bring  fresh  energy 
into  the  arena  of  politics.  To  give  an  instance  of 
the  measure  of  the  feeling  which  had  been  quick- 
ened by  the  Raid,  a  short  extract  is  given  below  from 
an  article  published  in  the  organ  of  the  Afrikander 


Il8     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

party,  Our  Land,  a  few  months  after  the  Raid,  an 
article  which  undoubtedly  expressed  the  feeling  of 
Afrikanders : 

"  Has  not  Providence  overruled  and  guided  the 
painful  course  of  events  in  South  Africa  since  the 
beginning  of  this  year  (1896)?     Who  can  doubt  it? 

"  The  stab  which  was  intended  to  paralyze  Af rikan- 
derdom  once  and  for  all  in  the  Republics  has  sent 
an  electric  thrill  direct  to  the  national  heart.  Afri- 
kanderdom  has  awakened  to  a  sense  of  earnestness 
and  consciousness  which  we  have  not  observed  since 
the  heroic  war  for  Liberty  in  1881.  From  the  Lim- 
popo as  far  as  Cape  Town  the  Second  Majuba  has 
given  birth  to  a  new  inspiration  and  a  new  move- 
ment among  our  people  in  South  Africa.  A  new 
feeling  has  rushed  in  huge  billows  over  South  Africa. 
The  flaccid  and  cowardly  Imperialism,  that  had  al- 
ready begun  to  dilute  and  weaken  our  national  blood, 
gradually  turned  aside  before  the  new  current  which 
permeated  our  people.  Many  who,  tired  of  the  slow 
development  of  the  national  idea,  had  resigned 
themselves  to  Imperialism,  now  paused  and  asked 
themselves  what  Imperialism  had  produced  in  South 
Africa?  Bitterness  and  race  hatred,  it  is  true !  Since 
the  days  of  Sir  Harry  Smith  and  Theophilus  Shep- 
stoneand  Bartle  Frereto  the  days  of  Leander  Jame- 
son and  Cecil  Rhodes,  Imperialism  in  South  Africa 
has  gone  hand  in  hand  with  bloodshed  and  fraud. 
However  wholesome  the  effects  of  Imperialism  may 
be  elsewhere,  its  continual  tendency  in  this  country 
during  all  these  years  has  been  nothing  else  but  an 
attempt  to  force  our  national  life  and  national  char- 
acter into  foreign  grooves ;  and  to  seal  this  pressure 
with  blood  and  tears.     .     .     .     This  is  truly  a  crit- 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  119 

ical  moment  in  the  existence  of  Afrikandcrdom  all 
over  South  Africa.     Now  or  never!     Now  or  never 

the  foundation  of  a  wide-embracing  nationalism 
must  be  laid.  The  iron  is  red  hot,  and  the  time  for 
forging  is  at  hand. 

"  .  .  .  The  partition  wall  has  disappeared.  Let 
us  stand  manfully  by  one  another.  The  danger  has 
not  yet  disappeared ;  on  the  contrary,  never  has  the 
necessity  for  a  policy  of  a  Colonial  and  Republican 
Union  been  greater;  now  the  psychological  moment 
has  arrived;  now  our  people  have  awakened  all  over 
South  Africa;  a  new  glow  illuminates  our  hearts; 
let  us  now  lay  the  foundation  stone  of  a  real  United 
South  Africa  on  the  soil  of  a  pure  and  all-comprehen- 
sive national  sentiment. " 

Such  language  caused  the  Jingoes  to  shudder — not 
because  it  was  disloyal,  because  that  it  certainly  was 
not,  but  because  it  proved  that  the  Jameson  Raid 
had  suddenly  awakened  the  Afrikanders,  and  that 
owing  to  this  defeat  of  the  Jingoes  a  vista  of  further 
and  greater  defeats  widened  out  in  the  future.  The 
Colonial  Afrikanders  would  certainly  have  to  be  reck- 
oned with  in  case  an  Annexation  policy  were  followed 
with  regard  to  the  Republics. 

For  some  time  the  Jingoes  cherished  the  hope 
that  they  would  gain  the  majority  in  the  Cape 
Parliament  under  an  amended  Redistribution  Act. 
The  General  Election  of  1898  took  place,  with  the 
result  that  the  Afrikander  party  obtained  a  small 
majority,  and  later,  under  a  Redistribution  Act, 
forced  upon  them  by  the  Jingoes,  the  majority  of 
the  former  was  considerably  increased. 

Instead  of  honestly  admitting  that  the  Afrikander 
victory  was  the  natural  result  of  the  Jameson  Raid, 


120  THE    STORY   OF    THE    BOERS. 

the  Jingoes  began,  not  only  in  South  Africa,  but 
also  in  England,  to  shout  that  the  rule  and  suprem- 
acy of  England  in  South  Africa  was  menaced. 

They  contended  that  South  Africa  would  be  lost 
to  England  unless  energetic  intervention  took  place 
without  delay,  and  that  this  menace  to  English  rule 
was  due  to  the  Republican  propaganda  which  the 
South  African  Republic  had  set  in  motion.  That 
as  long  as  the  South  African  Republic  refused  to 
humiliate  itself  before  British  authority,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  kept  its  youthful  head  on  high  with  national 
pride,  other  parts  of  South  Africa  would  be  inclined 
to  follow  its  example,  and  there  would  thus  be  no 
certainty  for  British  supremacy  in  this  quarter  of 
the  globe.  The  South  African  Republic  would  have 
to  be  humiliated  and  to  be  crushed  into  the  dust; 
the  Afrikanders  in  other  parts  of  South  Africa  would 
then  abandon  their  alleged  hope  of  a  more  extensive 
Republican  South  Africa. 

But  how  was  this  humiliation  to  be  brought  about, 
and  how,  above  all,  was  it  to  be  brought  about 
by  those  "Constitutional  means,"  which,  since  the 
failure  of  the  conspiracy,  had  become  a  sine  qud 
non  ? 

The  new  Governor  of  the  Cape  Colony  and  High 
Commissioner  of  South  Africa,  who  had  enjoyed  the 
distinction  of  a  brilliant  university  career,  who  had 
learned  humility  and  moderation  at  the  feet  of  Mr. 
W.  T.  Stead,  and  who  had  learned  by  his  experience 
with  the  fellaheen  in  Egypt  how  to  govern  the  de- 
scendants of  the  Huguenots  and  the  "  Beggars  of 
the  Sea,"  would  know  very  well  how  to  evolve  "  Con- 
stitutional means"  in  order  to  humiliate  the  South 
African  Republic  and  to  crush  it  into  the  dust. 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  12  I 

There  was  at  any  rate  the  burning  question  of 
suzerainty,  which  the  South  African  Republic  had 
unconsciously  and  innocently  raised  in  the  following 
way: 

After  the  Jameson  Raid  the  Volksraad  had  passed 
certain  laws  with  a  view  of  removing  some  of  the 
causes  of  that  movement,  as,  for  example,  the  law 
by  which  dangerous  individuals  could  be  expelled 
from  the  state,  and  the  law  by  which  paupers  and 
people  suffering  from  contagious  diseases  could  be 
prevented  from  entering  the  Republic.  These  laws 
were  declared  to  be  in  conflict  with  Article  XIV  of 
the  London  Convention.  Violations  of  Article  IV 
were  also  said  to  have  taken  place  in  regard  to  cer- 
tain extradition  and  other  treaties  which  had  been 
concluded  between  the  South  African  Republic  and 
Foreign  Powers.  On  the  7th  May,  1897,  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  South  African  Republic  despatched 
a  very  important  reply  to  these  accusations,  in  which, 
after  fully  stating  the  reasons  why  the  Government 
differed  from  Her  Majesty's  Government,  an  appeal 
was  made  for  arbitration  as  being  the  most  suitable 
method  of  settling  the  dispute. 

This  appeal  was  couched  in  the  following  lan- 
guage : 

"  While  it  respects  the  opinion  of  Her  British  Maj- 
esty's Government,  it  takes  the  liberty,  with  full 
confidence  in  the  correctness  of  its  own  views,  to 
propose  to  Her  British  Majesty's  Government  the 
principle  of  arbitration,  with  which  the  honorable 
the  First  Volksraad  agreed,  in  the  hope  that  it  will 
be  taken  in  the  conciliatory  spirit  in  which  it  is 
made.  It  considers  that  it  has  every  reason  for  this 
proposal,  the  more  so  because  the  principle  of  arbi- 


122     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

tration  is  already  laid  down  in  that  Convention  in 
the  only  case  in  which,  according  to  its  opinion  at 
the  time,  a  difference  could  be  foreseen — to  wit,  with 
regard  to  Article  I ;  because  it  has  already  been  pro- 
posed by  Her  British  Majesty's  Government  and  ac- 
cepted by  this  Government  with  regard  to  the  differ- 
ence in  respect  of  Article  XIV  of  the  Convention 
arising  in  the  matter  of  the  so-called  Coolie  ques- 
tion, which  was  settled  by  arbitration;  because  the 
Right  Honorable  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain, himself,  in  his  letter  of  the  4th  September, 
1895,  to  His  Excellency  the  High  Commissioner  at 
Cape  Town,  favors  this  principle  in  the  same  ques- 
tion, where  he  says:  '  After  1886,  as  time  went  on, 
the  manner  in  which  the  law  was  interpreted  and 
was  worked,  or  was  proposed  to  be  worked,  gave 
rise  to  complaints  on  the  part  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, and  as  it  seemed  impossible  to  come  to  an 
agreement  by  means  of  correspondence,  the  Mar- 
quis of  Ripon  took  what  is  the  approved  course  in 
such  cases,  of  proposing  to  the  South  African  Re- 
public that  the  dispute  should  be  referred  to  arbitra- 
tion. This  was  agreed  to  .  .  .  ;'  because  the 
principle  of  arbitration  in  matters  such  as  this  ap- 
pears to  the  Government  to  be  the  most  impartial, 
just,  and  most  satisfactory  way  out  of  the  existing 
difficulty,  and,  lastly,  because  one  of  the  parties  to 
a  Convention,  according  to  all  principles  of  reason- 
ableness, cannot  expect  that  his  interpretation  will 
be  respected  by  the  other  party  as  the  only  valid  and 
correct  one.  And  although  this  Government  is  firmly 
convinced  that  a  just  and  impartial  decision  might 
be  obtained  even  better  in  South  Africa  than  any- 
where else,  it  wishes,  in  view  of  the  conflicting  ele- 


CAPITALISTIC    JINGOISM.  123 

incuts,  interests  and  aspirations  which  are  now  ap- 
parent in  Sunt'  and  in  order  to  avoid  even 
the  appearance  that  it  would  be  or  desire  to 
exercise  influence  in  ord  tain  a  decision  fa- 
vorable to  it,  to  propose  that  the  Ident  of  the 
Swiss  Bondstate  who  may  1  ed  upon  as 
standing  altogether  outside  the  question,  and  to  feel 
sympathy  or  antipathy  neither  for  the  one  party  nor 
for  the  other,  be  requested  to  point  out  a  competent 
jurist,  as  lias  already  often  been  done  in  respect  of 
international  disputes.  The  Government  would 
have  no  objection  that  tl  titration  be  subject  to 
a  limitation  of  time,  and  gives  the  assurance  now 
already  that  it  will  willingly  subject  itself  to  any 
decision  if  such  should,  contrary  to  its  expectation, 
be  given  agamst  it.  The  Government  repeats  the 
well-meant  wish  that  this  proposal  may  find  favor 
with  Her  British  Majesty's  Government ;  and  inas- 
much as  the  allegations  of  breaches  of  the  Convention 
find  entrance  now  even  in  South  Africa,  and  bring 
and  keep  the  feelings  more  and  more  in  a  state  of 
suspense,  this  Government  will  be  pleased  if  it  can 
learn  the  decision  of  Her  British  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment as  soon  as  possible." 

To  this  the  British  Government  replied  that  ac- 
cording to  the  Convention  of  1SS4,  taken  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  preamble  of  the  Convention  of  1881, 
the  South  African  Republic  was  under  the  suzerainty 
of  Her  Majesty,  and  that  it  was  incompatible  with 
the  subordinate  position  of  the  South  African  Re- 
public to  submit  to  arbitration  any  matters  in  dis- 
pute as  to  the  construction  of  the  Convention  be- 
tween it  and  the  suzerain  Power. 

order  to  avoid  any  misunderstanding  as  to  this 


124  THE    STORY   OP   THE    BOERS. 

very  remarkable  document,  the  exact  wording  of  the 
British  despatch  is  given :  "  Finally,  the  Government 
of  the  South  African  Republic  propose  that  all 
points  in  dispute  between  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment and  themselves  relating  to  the  Convention 
should  be  referred  to  arbitration,  the  arbitrator  to 
be  nominated  by  the  President  of  the  Swiss  Repub- 
lic. In  making  this  proposal  the  Government  of  the 
South  African  Republic  appear  to  have  overlooked 
the  distinction  between  the  Conventions  of  1S81  and 
1884  and  an  ordinary  treaty  between  two  independ- 
ent powers,  questions  arising  upon  which  may  prop- 
erly be  the  subject  of  arbitration.  By  the  Pretoria 
Convention  of  1SS1  Her  Majesty,  as  Sovereign  of 
the  Transvaal  Territory,  accorded  to  the  inhabitants 
of  that  territory  complete  self-government,  subject 
to  the  suzerainty  of  Her  Majesty,  her  heirs  and  suc- 
cessors, upon  certain  terms  and  conditions  and  sub- 
ject to  certain  reservations  and  limitations  set  forth 
in  33  articles;  and  by  the  London  Convention  of 
1884,  Her  Majesty,  while  maintaining  the  preamble 
of  the  earlier  instrument,  directed  and  declared  that 
certain  other  articles  embodied  therein  should  be 
substituted  for  the  articles  embodied  in  the  Conven- 
tion of  1881.  Thearticlesof  the  Convention  of  1881 
were  accepted  by  the  Volksraad  of  the  Transvaal 
State,  and  those  of  the  Convention  of  1884  by  the 
Volksraad  of  the  South  African  Republic.  Under 
these  Conventions,  therefore,  Her  Majesty  holds 
towards  the  South  African  Republic  the  relation  of 
a  suzerain  who  has  accorded  to  the  people  of  that 
Republic  self-government  upon  certain  conditions, 
and  it  zvould  be  incompatible  zvith  that  position  to 
submit   to  Arbitration    the  construction   of  the  con- 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  125 

ditions  on  which  she  accorded  self-government  to  the 

Republic." 

In  its  celebrated  reply  of  the  16th  April,  1898,  the 
Government  of  the  South  African  Republic  proved 
with  unanswerable  force  that  the  preamble  of  the 
Convention  of  1SS1   had  □   abolished,  that  Lord 

Derby  had  himself  in  [884  proposed  a  draft  Conven- 
tion, in  which  the  preamble  was  erased,  and  that  by 
the  ultimate  acceptance  of  that  proposal  the  suzer- 
ainty had  ceased  to  exist. 

On  this  account,  as  well  as  for  other  reasons,  it 
contended  that  as  no  suzerainty  existed  between  the 
two  countries,  the  objection  to  arbitration  as  a  means 
of  settling  disputes  would  disappear,  and  the  Gov- 
ernment reiterated  their  appeal  to  have  such  differ- 
ences or  disputes  disposed  of  by  arbitration. 

Naturally  this  was  exactly  what  Mr.  Chamberlain 
did  not  want.  He  was  opposed  to  arbitration  be- 
cause it  would  have  probably  led  to  the  humiliation 
of  the  British  and  not  of  the  Boer  Government. 
The  suzerainty  question  was  introduced  in  the  mean 
while  as  a  "constitutional  proposal,"  which  might 
be  used  for  the  purpose  of  humiliating  the  South 
African  Republic. 

In  his  answer  to  the  arguments  put  forward  by 
the  South  African  Republic,  Mr.  Chamberlain  could 
only  persist  in  repeating  his  contention  that  suzer- 
ainty still  existed,  and  did  not  even  attempt  to  refute 
the  statement  that  Lord  Derby  had  himself  erased 
the  preamble  of  the  Convention  of  1881.  It  was 
clearly  his  opinion  that  Lord  Derby  had,  through 
stupidity  and  thoughtlessness,  abandoned  the  suzer- 
ainty in  1884,  just  as  Lord  Russell  had  abandoned 
the  idea  of  obtaining  the  South  African  Republic  in 


126  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

1852,  so  that  he  would  now,  just  as  Shepstone  in 
1877,  have  to  try  and  disconcert  the  Republic  by  a 
display  of  force  and  inflexible  determination,  so  as 
not  to  be  deprived  of  these  eminently  "  constitu- 
tional means." 

His  arguments  in  this  despatch,  that  both  the 
suzerainty  of  Her  Majesty  and  the  right  of  the  South 
African  Republic  to  self-government  were  depend- 
ent upon  the  preamble  of  the  Pretoria  Convention, 
and  that,  if  the  preamble  were  null  and  void,  not 
only  would  the  suzerainty  but  also  the  right  to  self- 
government  disappear,  were  clearly  designed  to  in- 
timidate the  South  African  Republic;  but  in  other 
respects  the  argument  was  perfectly  correct.  Ac- 
cordingly the  Government  of  the  South  African  Re- 
public replied  that  it  did  not  base  its  claim  to  self- 
government  on  the  preamble  of  the  Convention  of 
1 88 1,  nor  on  the  Convention  of  1884  (for  no  men- 
tion is  made  of  self-government  in  that  document), 
but  simply  on  the  ground  of  its  being  a  sovereign 
international  State. 

In  other  words,  it  contended  that  the  Convention 
of  London  implied  that  the  South  African  Republic 
was  a  sovereign  international  State,  and  that  it  was, 
therefore,  superfluous  in  that  Convention  to  specify 
or  define  its  rights.  Into  this  answer,  which  is  not 
only  juridically  and  historically  correct,  but  which 
rests  on  the  basis  of  common  sense,  the  astute  High 
Commissioner  was  able  to  read  a  menace  to  Her 
Majesty's  Government,  although  the  Government  of 
the  Republic  distinctly  stated  in  that  reply  that  it 
adhered  to  the  Convention  of  London,  an  assurance 
which  it  had  already  made  hundreds  of  times. 

This  is  the  whole  history  of  the  suzerainty  dispute 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  127 

Detween  the  two  Governments.  The  South  African 
Republic  ha  d  for  arbitration  on  certain  ques- 

tions, and  England,  with  Mr.  Chamberlain  as  spokes- 
man, had  refused,  because  a  suzerain  power  could  not 
be  expected  to  settle  disputes  with  its  vassal  by  means 
of  arbitration.  So  that,  according-  to  the  new  prin- 
ciples of  International  Law,  based  on  the  "screw" 
ethics  of  Birmingham,  it  was  to  be  judge  and  jury 
in  iis  own  disputes  with  other  people. 

The  position  taken  up  by  our  Government  in  this 
remarkable  controversy  is  substantiated  by  the  ac- 
tions of  Lord  Derby  during  the  negotiations  about 
the  Conventions,  as  well  as  by  the  following  tele- 
gram which  he  sent  to  the  High  Commissioner  for 
communication  to  the  two  Republics : 

"High  Commissioner  Cape  Town. 

"  To  British  Resident  Pretoria. 

"  Please  inform  Transvaal  Government  that  I  have 
received  the  following  from  the  Secretary  of  State : 
27  th  February. — Convention  signed  to-day.  New 
southwestern  boundary  as  proposed,  following  trade 
road.  British  Protectorate  country  outside  Trans- 
vaal established  with  delegates'  consent.  They 
promise  to  appoint  Border  Commissioner  inside 
Transvaal,  co-operate  with  ours  outside ;  Mackenzie 
— British  Resident.  Debt  reduced  to  quarter  mill- 
ion. Same  complete  internal  independence  in 
Transvaal  as  in  Orange  Free  State.  Conduct  and 
control  diplomatic  intercourse  Foreign  Governments 
conceded.  Queen's  final  approval  treaties  reserved. 
Delegates  appear  well  satisfied  and  cordial  feeling 
two  governments.  You  may  make  the  above 
known." 

This  contention  is  also  substantiated  by  the  ex- 


128  THE    STORY    OF   THE    BOERS. 

press  declarations  of  Lord  Rosmead  and  the  Rev. 
D.  P.  Faure  to  the  effect  that  it  was  clearly  under- 
stood at  the  time  the  London  Convention  was  con- 
cluded that  the  suzerainty  was  abolished.  It  is  un- 
necessary to  add  anything  about  the  evidence  of  the 
members  of  the  Transvaal  deputation.  The  suzer- 
ainty has  thus  not  the  slightest  shadow  of  existence ; 
and  yet,  as  will  be  proved,  Mr.  Chamberlain  is  pre- 
pared to  go  to  war  with  the  South  African  Republic 
over  this  question,  a  war  which  will,  according  to 
his  intentions,  result  in  annexation. 

While  the  two  Governments  were  occupied  with 
this  question  the  Capitalists  were  not  idle.  They 
were  busy  fanning  the  flame  in  another  direction. 
It  was  not  only  a  fact  that  Rhodesia  was  an  unex- 
pected failure,  but  it  had  proved  far  richer  in  native 
wars  than  in  payable  gold  mines.  The  Capitalist 
groups  possessing  the  greatest  interests  in  the  Wit- 
watersrand  gold  mines  were  also  the  most  deeply 
interested  in  Rhodesia,  and  it  naturally  occurred  to 
them  that  their  Transvaal  mines  ought  also  to  bear 
the  burden  of  their  unprofitable  investments  in  Rho- 
desia— an  adjustment  which  would,  however,  necessi- 
tate the  amalgamation  of  the  two  countries,  especially 
when  the  interests  of  the  shareholders  were  consid- 
ered. 

In  order  to  attain  this  object  a  continual  agitation 
was  kept  up  at  Johannesburg,  so  that  English  share- 
holders living  far  away  should  be  prepared  for  the 
day  when  the  annexation  would  take  place  on  con- 
stitutional lines. 

The  argument  which  was  calculated  to  impress 
these  European  shareholders  was  that  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  South  African  Republic  had  created  a 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  129 

situation  which  was  most  prejudicial  to  the  financial 
interests  of  the  mining  industry.  Viewed  from  this 
standpoint  the  Uitlander  grievances  were  an  inex- 
haustibly rich  and  payable  mine. 

This  agitation  first  of  all  emanated  directly  from 
the  Capitalists,  and  had  assumed  such  proportions  in 
1897  that  the  Government  decided  to  appoint  a  Com- 
mission of  officials  and  mining  magnates  in  order  to 
inquire  searchingly  into  the  alleged  financial  griev- 
ances. As  far  as  the  Government  was  concerned, 
the  chief  findings  of  the  Commission  were : 

(1)  That  the  price  of  dynamite  (85  shillings  per 
case  of  fifty  pounds)  was  too  high  under  the  exist- 
ing concession,  and  that  a  diminution  in  price  was 
desirable  either  by  cancellation  of  the  concession,  or 
by  testing  the  legality  of  the  concession  in  the  High 
Court. 

(2)  That  the  tariffs  of  the  Netherlands  Railway 
Company  for  the  carriage  of  coal  and  other  articles 
were  too  high,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  expro- 
priate the  railway. 

(3)  That  the  import  duties  on  necessaries  of  life 
were  too  high,  and  that  the  cost  of  living  in  Johan- 
nesburg for  workmen  was  too  high. 

(4)  That  stringent  measures  ought  to  be  adopt*.'.; 
in  order  to  prevent  gold  thefts,  and  that  the  law  for 
the  total  prohibition  of  drink  to  native  laborer ; 
ought  to  be  more  strictly  enforced,  and  that  there 
ought  to  be  a  more  stringent  application  of  the  Pass 
Law  (under  which  the  traffic  of  the  native  laborers 
was  regulated). 

(5)  With  the  object  of  carrying  out  the  measures 
specified  in  Section  4,  the  Commission  recommended 
that  an  Advisory  Board  should  be  nominated  for  the 

9 


130  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

Witwatersrand  gold  fields  for  the  purpose  of  advis- 
ing the  Government  as  to  the  enforcement  of  the 
said  regulations. 

To  what  extent  was  effect  given  to  these  recom- 
mendations? 

As  far  as  dynamite  is  concerned,  it  appeared  that 
there  was  no  chance  of  contesting  the  concession  in 
the  law  courts  with  any  success.  Nor  did  the  Volks- 
raad  or  the  Government  feel  justified  in  cancelling, 
without  the  consent  of  the  owners,  a  contract  which 
had  been  solemnly  entered  into  and  upon  which 
enormous  sums  of  money  had  been  expended.  The 
mining  industry  was  naturally  eager  for  cancellation, 
even  without  adequate  compensation ;  but  the  pub- 
lic were  not  at  that  time  aware  of  a  fact  which  was 
made  public  some  months  later — namely,  that  the 
De  Beers  Corporation  intended  to  erect  a  dynamite 
manufactory,  and  that  this  agitation  of  the  Capital- 
ists was  intended  to  obtain  for  themselves  the  con- 
trol of  this  great  source  of  income.  People,  however, 
knew  that  the  Messrs.  Chamberlain  were  interested 
in  the  English  ammunition  and  dynamite  house  of 
Kynoch,  but  they  hesitate  to  assume  that  the  Colo- 
nial Secretary  was  actuated  in  his  Transvaal  policy 
by  considerations  of  private  financial  interest. 

The  Government  and  Volksraad  of  the  South  Afri- 
can Republic  adopted  the  wiser  plan  of  lowering  the 
price  of  dynamite  to  such  an  extent  as  to  make  it 
about  equal  to  the  local  European  price  plus  a  pro- 
tective tariff  of  20  shillings  per  case. 

It  may  here  be  remarked  that  Mr.  Chamberlain, 
knowing  how  unpopular  the  dynamite  concession 
was  in  the  South  African  Republic,  intimated  to  the 
Government  of  the  South  African  Republic,   in  a 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  13  I 

very  threatening  manner,   that  the  concession  was 
in  conflict  with  the  London  Convention. 

The  answer  of  the  Government  to  this  communi- 
cation was  so  crushing  that  Mr.  Chamberlain  did  not 
again  return  to  the  subject.  In  this  he  was,  no 
doubt,  also  actuated  by  the  fact  that  the  most  re- 
nowned English  and  European  jurists  had  advised 
that  the  concession  was  in  no  sense  a  breach  of  the 
Convention.  This,  however,  only  became  known 
later,  and  it  is  merely  referred  to  now  so  as  to  show 
that  no  stone  was  left  unturned  in  order  to  find  a 
means  of  humiliating  the  South  African  Republic. 

With  regard  to  the  Netherlands  South  African 
Railway  Company  it  would  appear  that  the  Capital- 
ists have  altered  their  opinion,  and  now  think  that 
the  administration  of  the  Company  is  as  good  as  can 
reasonably  be  expected,  and  that  expropriation  is 
now  unnecessary.  Perhaps  from  their  point  of  view, 
it  would  be  better  to  buy  up  the  shares  of  the  Com- 
pany, and  thus  become  themselves  masters,  instead 
of  the  Government,  of  this  source  of  income. 

Respecting  the  railway  tariff,  it  is  fair  to  assume 
that  the  cause  of  dissatisfaction  has  disappeared,  for 
no  complaints  are  now  heard  since  the  tariff  was 
lowered  in  accordance  with  the  recommendations  of 
the  Commission. 

This  change  in  the  tariff,  together  with  the  aboli- 
tion of  duties  on  nearly  all  necessaries  of  life,  have 
made  a  difference  of  about  ,£700,000  in  the  income  of 
the  State  during  the  last  year.  It  will  be  admitted 
that  this  is  an  enormous  item  in  comparison  with  the 
total  income  of  the  South  African  Republic.  The 
above  tends  to  show  how  anxious  the  Government 
of  the  South  African  Republic  has  been  to  remove 


132     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

all  grievances  as  soon  as  it  was  proved  that  they 
actually  existed. 

As  regards  the  administration  of  the  Liquor  Law, 
the  Pass  Law,  and  the  Law  dealing  with  Gold  thefts, 
neither  the  Government  nor  the  Volksraad  felt  at 
liberty  to  adopt  the  recommendations  as  to  consti- 
tuting an  Advisory  Board  on  the  Witwatersrand. 
They  decided  to  go  deeper  to  the  roots  of  the  evil, 
and  so  altered  the  administration  of  the  laws  that 
the  evidences  of  dissatisfaction  have  disappeared. 
Indeed,  no  one  ever  hears  of  gold  thefts  now,  and 
the  representative  bodies  of  the  mining  industry 
have  repeatedly  expressed  their  satisfaction  with 
the  administration  of  the  Pass  Law,  and  especially 
with  that  of  the  Liquor  Law. 

In  this  very  Liquor  Law  we  have  a  test  of  a  good 
administration.  From  the  very  nature  of  the  drink 
question  it  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  laws  that  a 
Government  can  be  called  upon  to  administer,  and 
the  measure  of  success  which  has  attended  the 
efforts  of  the  Government  and  its  officials  proves 
conclusively  that  the  charges  of  incompetency  so 
frequently  brought  against  the  Government  of  the 
South  African  Republic  were  devoid  of  truth  and 
were  only  intended  to  slander  and  to  injure  the  Re- 
public. A  combined  meeting  of  the  Chamber  of 
Mines,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  and  the  Asso- 
ciation of  Mine  Managers — the  three  strongest  and 
most  representative  bodies  on  the  Witwatersrand 
gold  fields— passed  the  following  resolutions,  which 
speak  for  themselves: 

"i,  This  combined  meeting,  representing  the 
Chamber  of  Mines,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  and 
the  Mine  Managers'  Association,  desires  to  express 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  I 

once  more  its  decided  approval  of  the  present  Liquor 
Law,  and  is  of  opinion  that  prohibition  is  not  only 
beneficial  to  the  natives  in  their  own  interest,  but  is 
absolutely  necessary  for  the  mining  industry,  with 
a  view  of  maintaining  the  efficiency  of  labor. 

"2.  This  meeting  wishes  to  express  its  apprecia- 
tion of  the  efforts  made  to  suppress  the  illicit  liquor 
trade  by  the  Detective  Department  of  this  Republic 
since  it  has  been  placed  under  the  administration 
the  State  Attorney,  and  is  of  opinion  that  the  suc- 
cess which  has  crowned  these  efforts  fully  disproves 
the  contention  that  the  Liquor  Law  is  impractica- 
ble." 

The  first  resolution  was  carried  by  an  overwhelm- 
ing majority,  and  the  second  unanimously. 

Compare  this  declaration  of  the  representatives  of 
the  mining  and  commercial  interests  of  the  Wit- 
watersrand  with  the  allegation  repeated  by  Mr. 
Chamberlain  in  his  great  "grievance"  despatch  of 
the  15th  May,  1899 — that  the  Liquor  Law  had  never 
been  strictly  enforced,  but  that  this  law  was  simply 
evaded,  and  that  the  natives  at  the  mines  were  sup- 
plied with  drink  in  large  quantities. 

When  Mr.  Chamberlain  wrote  these  words,  they 
were  absolutely  untrue,  and,  like  all  his  grievances, 
are  of  an  imaginary  character. 

The  results  have  clearly  shown  that  the  Govern- 
ment was  quite  correect  in  its  conclusion  that  it  was 
better  to  alter  the  administration  of  the  laws  com- 
plained of  than  to  adopt  a  principle  (the  Advisory 
Board),  the  consequences  and  eventual  outcome  of 
which  no  one  was  able  to  foresee. 

The  agitation  in  connection  with  the  report  of  the 
Industrial  Commission  was  followed  by  a  great  calm. 


134     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

If  it  had  not  been  that  the  handling  of  the  Swazi 
difficulty  by  the  British  Government  gave  color  to 
suspicion,  one  might  have  thought  that  there  was  no 
cloud  upon  the  horizon.  To  a  superficial  observer 
the  two  Governments  seemed  to  be  on  the  best  and 
most  friendly  footing,  and  some  of  us  actually  began 
to  think  that  the  era  of  the  fraternal  co-operation  of 
the  two  races  in  South  Africa  had  actually  dawned, 
and  that  the  cursed  Raid  and  its  harvest  of  race 
hatred  and  division  would  be  forgotten.  Certain 
circumstances,  however,  indicated  clearly  that  the 
enemy  was  occupied  in  a  supreme  effort  to  cause 
matters  to  culminate  in  a  crisis 

The  South  African  League,  a  political  organiza- 
tion which  sprang  up  out  of  and  owed  its  origin  to 
the  race  hatred  which  the  Jameson  Raid  had  called 
into  being,  and  at  the  head  of  which  Mr.  Rhodes 
himself  stands  (a  fact  which  places  Capitalistic  influ- 
ence in  a  very  clear  light),  began  towards  the  latter 
part  of  last  year  to  agitate  against  the  Government 
in  the  most  unheard-of  way. 

The  individuals  who  stood  at  the  head  of  this  in- 
stitution in  Johannesburg  (the  chairman  was  a  prize- 
fighter, and  the  secretary  had  formerly  been  a  Social- 
istic demagogue  in  London)  were  such  that  very 
little  attention  was  paid  to  the  League.  It  was,  how- 
ever, soon  clearly  shown  that  not  only  was  the  move- 
ment strongly  assisted  by  the  Capitalists,  and  strong- 
ly supported  all  along  the  mines,  but  that  there  was 
a  close  relationship  in  a  mysterious  way  with  Cape 
Town  and  London.  The  events  of  the  last  few 
months  have  brought  this  out  very  clearly.  Meet- 
ings were  arranged,  memorials  to  Her  Majesty  about 
grievances  were  drawn  up,  and  an  active  propaganda 


CAPITALISTIC  JINGOISM.  1 35 

was  preached  in  the  press;  this  all  proved  in  a  con 
vincing  way  that  a  carefully  planned  campaign  had 
been  organized  against  the  Republic. 

As  the  Government  of  the  South  African   Repub- 
lic basset  forth  the  trend  ■  f  the  agitation,  as  well  as 
the  connection  of  the  i  Iril  .  b  ( rovernment  with  it,  in 
an  official  despatch,  it  is  desirable  to  epiote  the  lan- 
ge  itself: 

"But  this  Government  wishes  to  go  further. 
Even  in  regard  to  those  Uitlanders  who  are  British 
subjects  it  is  a  small  minority  which,  under  the  pre- 
text of  imaginary  grievances,  promotes  a  secret 
propaganda  of  race  hatred,  and  uses  the  Republic  as 
a  basis  for  fomenting  a  revolutionary  movement 
against  this  Government.  Ministers  of  Her  Maj- 
esty have  so  trenchantly  expressed  the  truth  about 
this  minority  that  this  Government  wishes  to  quote 
the  very  words  of  these  Ministers,  with  the  object  of 
bringing  the  actual  truth  to  the  knowledge  of  Her 
Majesty's  Government,  as  well  as  to  that  of  the 
whole  world,  and  not  for  the  purpose  of  making 
groundless  accusations. 

4i  The  following  words  are  those  of  the  Ministers 
of  the  Cape  Colony,  who  are  well  acquainted  with 
local  conditions  and  fully  qualified  to  arrive  at  a 
conclusion: 

"  '  In  the  opinion  of  Ministers  the  persistent  action, 
both  beyond  and  within  this  Colony,  of  the  political 
body  styling  itself  the  South  African  League  in  en- 
deavoring to  foment  and  excite,  not  to  smooth  and 
allay,  ill-will  between  the  two  principal  European 
races  inhabiting  South  Africa,  is  well  illustrated  by 
these  resolutions,  the  exaggerated  and  aggravated 


136  THE    STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

terms  of  which  disclose  the  spirit  which  informs  and 
inspires  them. 

"  '  His  Excellency's  Ministers  are  one  in  their  ear- 
nest desire  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  aid  and  fur- 
ther a  policy  of  peaceful  progress  throughout  South 
Africa,  and  they  cannot  but  regard  it  as  an  unwise 
propagandism,  hostile  to  the  true  interests  of  the 
Empire,  including  this  Colony  as  an  integral  part, 
that  every  possible  occasion  should  be  seized  by  the 
League  and  its  promoters  for  an  attempt  to  magnify 
into  greater  events  minor  incidents,  when  occurring 
in  the  South  African  Republic,  with  a  prospect 
thereby  of  making  racial  antagonism  more  acute,  or 
of  rendering  less  smooth  the  relations  between  Her 
Majesty's  Government  or  the  Government  of  this 
Colony  and  that  Republic. 

"  '  Race  hatred  is,  however,  not  so  intense  in  South 
Africa  as  to  enable  a  body  with  this  propaganda, 
aiming  at  revolutionary  objects,  to  obtain  much  in- 
fluence in  this  part  of  the  world ;  and  one  continu- 
ally asks  oneself  the  question,  "  How  is  it  that  a  body, 
so  insignificant  both  in  regard  to  its  principles  and 
its  membership,  enjoys  such  a  large  measure  of  in- 
fluence?" The  answer  is  that  this  body  depends 
upon  the  protection  and  the  support  of  Her  Maj- 
esty's Government  in  England,  and  that  both  its 
members  and  its  organs  in  the  press  openly  boast  of 
the  influence  they  exert  over  the  policy  of  Her  Maj- 
esty's Government.  This  Government  would  ignore 
such  assertions ,  but  when  it  finds  that  the  ideas  and 
the  shibboleths  of  the  South  African  League  are  con- 
tinually echoed  in  the  speeches  of  members  of  Her 
Majesty's  Government,  when  it  finds  that  blue 
books   are   compiled  chiefly   from   documents   pre- 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  137 

pared  by  officials  of  the  South  African  League,  as 
well  as  from  reports  and  leading  articles  containing 
"  malignant  lies  "  taken  from  the  press  organs  of  that 
organization,  thereby  receiving  an  official  character, 
then  this  Government  can  well  understand  why  so 
many  of  Her  Majesty's  right-minded  subjects  in  this 
part  of  the  world  have  obtained  the  impression  that 
the  policy  advocated  by  the  South  African  League 
is  supported  by  Her  Majesty's  Government,  and  is 
thus  calculated  to  contribute  to  the  welfare  and 
blessing  of  the  British  Empire. 

" '  If  this  mistaken  impression  could  be  removed 
and  if  it  could  be  announced  as  a  fact  that  the  South 
African  League,  as  far  as  its  actions  in  the  South 
African  Republic  are  concerned,  is  only  an  organi- 
zation having  as  its  object  the  fomentation  of  strife 
and  disorder  and  the  destruction  of  the  independ- 
ence of  the  country,  then  it  would  very  soon  lose  its 
influence  and  the  strained  relations  existing  between 
the  two  Governments  would  quickly  disappear.  The 
Afrikander  population  of  this  country  would  not  then 
be  under  the  apprehension  that  the  interests  of  the 
British  Empire  imperatively  demand  that  the  Repub- 
lic should  be  done  away  with  and  its  people  be 
either  enslaved  or  exterminated.  Both  sections  of 
the  white  inhabitants  of  South  Africa  would  then 
return  to  the  fraternal  co-operation  and  fusion  which 
was  beginning  to  manifest  itself  when  the  treacher- 
ous conspiracy  at  the  end  of  1895  awakened  the  pas- 
sions on  both  sides. '  " 

As  a  result  of  the  continual  agitation  of  the  South 
African  League,  three  occurrences  were  selected  and 
elevated  by  Mr.  Chamberlain  into  culminating  in- 


138     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

stances  of  the  Uitlander  grievances.  To  give  the 
world  a  clear  insight  into  the  nature  of  the  griev- 
ances in  general,  extracts  are  given  from  the  official 
accounts  of  the  British  and  from  the  Republican  ac- 
count of  these  occurrences.  There  were  three — the 
"Lombard  affair,"  with  reference  to  the  maltreat- 
ment of  colored  British  subjects  at  Johannesburg; 
the  "Edgar  case,"  in  connection  with  the  shooting 
of  an  English  subject  by  a  police  official;  and  the 
"Amphitheatre  occurrence,"  in  regard  to  a  disor- 
derly meeting  of  the  South  African  League. 

With  regard  to  the  "  Lombard  incident "  Mr. 
Chamberlain  says: 

"  As  an  instance  of  such  arbitrary  action  the  re- 
cent maltreatment  of  colored  British  subjects  by 
Field  Cornet  Lombard  may  be  cited.  This  official 
entered  the  houses  of  various  colored  persons  with- 
out a  warrant  at  night,  dragged  them  from  their 
beds,  and  arrested  them  for  being  without  a  pass. 
The  persons  so  arrested  were  treated  with  much 
cruelty,  and  it  is  even  alleged  that  one  woman  was 
prematurely  confined,  and  a  child  subsequently  died 
from  the  consequences  of  the  fright  and  exposure. 
Men  were  beaten  and  kicked  by  the  orders  of  the 
Field  Cornet,  who  appears  to  have  exercised  his 
authority  with  the  most  cowardly  brutality.  The 
Government  of  the  Republic,  being  pressed  to  take 
action,  suspended  the  Field  Cornet,  and  an  inquiry 
was  held,  at  which  he  and  the  police  denied  most  of 
the  allegations  of  violence ,  but  the  other  facts  were 
not  disputed,  and  no  independent  evidence  was 
called  for  the  defence.  The  Government  have  since 
reinstated  Lombard. 


CAPITALISTIC  JINGOISM.  139 

"Unfortunately  this  case  is  by  no  means  unparal- 
leled.     Other    British    subjects,    including    1 
from  St.  Helena  and  Mauritius,  1.  bitra- 

rily  arrested,  and  some  of  them  have  been  lined,  with- 
out having-  been  heard  in  their  own  defence,  under 
a  law  which  does  not  even  profess  to  have  any  ap- 
plication to  persons  from  those  colonies. 

"However  long-suffering  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment may  be  in  their  anxious  desire  to  remain  on 
friendly  terms  with  the  South  African  Republic,  it 
must  be  evident  that  a  continuance  of  incidents  of 
this  kind,  followed  by  no  redress,  may  well  become 
intolerable." 

The  answer  of  the  Government  of  the  South  Afri- 
can Republic  was  as  follows : 

"  With  reference  to  the  Lombard  case,  this  Gov- 
ernment wishes  to  point  out  that  no  complaint  was 
lodged  with  any  official  in  this  Republic  for  a  full 
month  after  the  ill-treatment  of  Cape  colored  people 
was  alleged  to  have  taken  place,  and  that  neither 
the  Government  nor  the  public  was  aware  that  any- 
thing had  taken  place.  The  whole  case  was  so  in- 
significant that  some  of  the  people  who  were  alleged 
to  have  been  ill-treated  declared,  under  oath,  at  a 
later  period  before  a  court  of  investigation,  that  they 
would  never  have  made  any  complaint  on  their  own 
initiative.     What  happened,  however? 

"  About  a  month  after  the  occurrence  the  South 
African  League  came  to  hear  of  it ,  some  of  its  offi- 
cials sent  round  to  collect  evidence  from  the  parties 
who  were  alleged  to  have  been  ill-treated,  and  some 
sworn  declarations  were  obtained  by  the  help  of  Her 
Majesty's   Vice-Consul   at  Johannesburg    (between 


140  THE   STORY   OF  THE   BOERS. 

whom  and  this  League  a  continual  and  conspicuous 
co-operation  has  existed).  Even  then  no  charge  was 
lodged  against  the  implicated  officials  with  the  judi- 
cial authorities  of  the  country,  but  the  case  was  put 
in  the  hands  of  the  Acting  British  Agent  at  Pretoria. 

"  When  the  allegations  were  brought  under  the 
notice  of  this  Government,  they  at  once  appointed  a 
commission  of  inquiry,  consisting  of  three  members 
— namely:  Landdrost  Van  der  Berg,  of  Johannes- 
burg; Mr.  Andries  Stockenstrom,  barrister-at-law, 
of  the  Middle  Temple,  head  of  the  Criminal  Section 
of  the  State  Attorney's  Department,  and  Mr.  Van 
der  Merwe,  Mining  Commissioner,  of  Johannesburg; 
gentlemen  against  whose  ability  and  impartiality  the 
Uitlander  population  of  the  Republic  have  never 
harbored  the  slightest  suspicion,  and  with  whose 
appointment  the  Acting  British  Agent  also  ex- 
pressed his  entire  satisfaction.  The  instructions 
given  to  those  officials  were  to  thoroughly  investi- 
gate the  whole  case  and  to  report  the  result  to  the 
Government;  and  they  fulfilled  these  instructions 
by  sitting  for  days  at  a  time,  carefully  hearing  and 
sifting  the  evidence  of  both  sides.  Every  right- 
minded  person  readily  acknowledges  that  far  greater 
weight  ought  to  be  attached  to  the  finding  of  this 
Commission  than  to  the  declarations  of  the  complain- 
ants, who  contradicted  one  another  in  nearly  every 
particular,  and  who  caused  the  whole  inquiry  to  de- 
generate into  a  farce. 

"  According  to  the  report,  nothing  was  proved  as 
to  the  so-called  ill-treatment ;  the  special  instances 
of  alleged  ill-treatment  turned  out  to  be  purely  im- 
aginary ;  but  it  was  clearly  proved  and  found  that 
the  complainants  had  acted  contrary  to  law,  and  the 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  141 

Commission  only  expressed  disapproval  of  the  fact 
that  the  arrests  ami  the  investigation  had  taken  place 
at  night  and  without  a  proper  warrant.  It  fills  this 
Government  with  all  the  greater  regret  to  observe 
that  Her  Majesty's  Government  bases  its  charges  on 
ex  parte,  groundless,  and,  in  many  respects,  fa! 
declarations  of  complainants  who  have  been  set  in 
motion  by  political  hatred,  and  that  it  silently 
ignores  the  report  of  the  Commission." 

Mr.  Chamberlain  represented  the  Edgar  case  in 

the  following  way : 

"  But  perhaps  the  most  striking  recent  instance  of 
arbitrary  action  by  officials,  and  of  the  support  of 
such  action  by  the  Courts,  is  the  well-known  Edgar 
case.  The  effect  of  the  verdict  of  the  jury,  warmly 
indorsed  by  the  Judge,  is  that  four  policemen  break- 
ing into  a  man's  house  at  night  without  a  warrant, 
on  the  mere  statement  of  one  person,  which  subse- 
quently turned  out  to  be  untrue,  that  the  man  had 
committed  a  crime,  are  justified  in  killing  him  there 
and  then,  because,  according  to  their  own  account, 
he  hits  one  of  them  with  a  stick.  If  this  is  justifica- 
tion, then  any  form  of  resistance  to  the  police  is 
justification  for  the  immediate  killing  of  the  person 
resisting,  who  may  be  perfectly  innocent  of  any  of- 
fence. This  would  be  an  alarming  doctrine  anywhere. 
It  is  peculiarly  alarming  when  applied  to  a  city  like 
Johannesburg,  where  a  strong  force  of  police  armed 
with  revolvers  have  to  deal  with  a  large  alien  un- 
armed population,  whose  language  in  many  case.; 
they  do  not  understand.  The  emphatic  affirmation 
of  such  a  doctrine  by  Judge  and  jury  in  the  Edwaid 


142     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

case  cannot  but  increase  the  general  feeling  of  inse- 
curity among  the  Uitlander  population  and  the 
sense  of  injustice  under  which  they  labor.  It  may 
be  pointed  out  that  the  allegation  that  Edgar  as- 
saulted the  police  was  emphatically  denied  by  his 
wife  and  others,  and  that  the  trial  was  conducted  in 
a  way  that  would  be  considered  quite  irregular  in 
this  country,  the  witnesses  for  the  defence  being 
called  by  the  prosecution,  and  thereby  escaping 
cross-examination. " 

The  answer  of  the  Government  of  the  South  Afri- 
can Republic  was  : 

"  The  Edgar  case  is  referred  to  by  your  Govern- 
ment as  the  most  striking  recent  instance  of  arbi- 
trary action  by  officials,  and  of  the  support  of  such 
action  by  the  Courts,  and  this  case  is  quoted  as  a 
conclusive  test  of  the  alleged  judicial  maladminis- 
tration of  this  Republic ;  it  will,  therefore,  be  of  in- 
terest to  pause  for  a  moment  and  consider  it.  What 
are  the  true  facts? 

"  A  certain  Foster, '  an  Englishman,'  was  assaulted 
and  felled  to  the  ground,  without  any  lawful  cause, 
by  a  man  named  Edgar  during  the  night  of  the  18th 
December,  1898;  he  lay  on  the  ground  as  if  dead, 
and  ultimately  died  in  the  hospital.  Edgar  escaped 
to  his  room,  and  some  police  came  on  the  scene,  at- 
tracted by  the  screams  of  the  bystanders.  Among 
the  police  was  one  named  Jones.  When  they  saw 
the  man  who  had  been  assaulted  lying  as  if  dead, 
they  went  to  Edgar  s  apartment  in  order  to  arrest 
him  as  a  criminal  (he  had,  indeed,  rendered  himself 
liable  for  manslaughter,  and  apparently  for  murder). 


CAPITALISTIC   JINGOISM.  143 

As  he  was  caught  in  the  very  act,  the  police  oftk. 
were,  according  to  the  laws,  not  only  of  this  Repub- 
lic, but  of  all  South  Africa  and  of  the  United    King- 
dom of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  justified  in  break- 
ing open  the  door  in  order  to  arrest  the  culprit. 

"  While  doing  so  Edgar,  with  a  dangerous  weapon, 
struck  Jones  a  severe  blow.  Under  the  stress  of 
necessity  the  latter  shot  Edgar,  from  the  effects  of 
which  he  died.  The  question  is  not  if  Jones  was 
justified  in  taking  this  extreme  step,  for  the  State 
Attorney  of  the  Republic  had  already  given  effect  to 
his  opinion  that  this  was  a  case  for  the  jury  by 
prosecuting  him  for  manslaughter.  The  question  is 
solely  whether  any  jury  in  any  country  in  the  world 
would  have  found  a  man  guilty  of  any  crime  under  the 
circumstances  set  forth,  and  whether,  if  they  did  not 
find  him  guilty,  the  fact  of  their  doing  so  would  have 
been  stamped  and  branded  as  a  flagrant  and  remark- 
able instance  of  the  maladministration  of  justice. 

"This  Government  is  convinced  that  the  English 
judicial  administration  affords  numberless  instances 
where  the  facts  are  as  strong  as  in  this  case,  and  it 
cannot  see  why  an  occurrence  which  could  happen 
in  any  part  of  the  world  would  be  especially  thrown 
in  their  teeth  in  the  form  of  an  accusation. 

"  This  Government  docs  not  wish  to  pass  over  in 
silence  the  censure  which  has  been  passed  by  Her 
Majesty's  Government  on  the  Public  Prosecutor  of 
Johannesburg,  by  whom  the  prosecution  of  this  case 
was  conducted;  the  fact  that  being  of  pure  English 
blood,  that  he  received  his  legal  training  in  London, 
that  he  is  generally  respected  by  the  Uitlander  popu- 
lation on  account  of  his  ability,  impartiality,  and  gen- 
eral character,  will  naturally  not  be  of  any  weight 


144     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

with  Her  Majesty's  Government  against  the  facts  of 
his  action  in  calling  witnesses  for  the  prosecution 
who  were  intended  for  the  defence,  and  thus  render- 
ing an  imaginary  cross-examination  abortive. 

"  This  Government  only  wishes  to  point  out  that 
the  fact  that  the  Edgar  case  is  the  strongest  which 
Her  Majesty's  Government  has  been  able  to  quote 
against  the  administration  of  justice  in  this  Repub- 
lic affords  the  strongest  and  most  eloquent  proof  pos- 
sible that,  taking  it  in  general,  the  administration  of 
justice  on  the  gold  fields  of  this  Republic  not  only 
compares  favorably  with  that  on  other  and  similar 
gold  fields,  but  even  with  that  of  old  and  settled 
countries. 

"  The  untrue  representations  of  this  occurrence  in 
the  press  prove  conclusively  that  the  newspapers  of 
the  Witwatersrand,  the  atrocity-mongering  tactics 
of  which  constitute  a  share  of  the  organized  cam- 
paign against  the  Republic  and  its  Government, 
have  been  compelled  to  resort  to  mendacious  criti- 
cisms on  imaginary  instances  of  maladministration, 
which  were  often  simply  invented.  Where  the 
Press  is  forced  to  adopt  such  methods,  the  true  griev- 
ances must  of  necessity  be  unreal." 

I  now  give  Mr.  Chamberlain's  accusations  about 
the  Amphitheatre  occurrence : 

"  Some  light  upon  the  extent  to  which  the  police 
can  be  trusted  to  perform  their  delicate  duties  with 
fairness  and  discretion  is  thrown  by  the  events  re- 
ferred to  by  the  petitioners,  which  took  place  at  a 
meeting  called  by  British  subjects  for  the  purpose 
of  discussing  their  grievances,  and  held  on  the  14th 


CAPITALISTIC  JINGOISM.  U5 

of  January  in  the  Amphitheatre  of  Johannesburg. 
The  Government  were  previously  apprised  of  the 
objects  of  the  meeting,  and  their  assent  obtained, 
though  this  was  not  legally  necessary  for  a  meeting 
in  an  inclosed  place.  The  organizers  of  the  meet- 
ing state  that  they  were  informed  by  the  State  Sec- 
retary and  the  State  Attorney  that  any  one  who  com- 
mitted acts  of  violence  or  used  seditions  language 
would  be  held  responsible,  and  in  proof  of  the  peace- 
ful objects  of  the  meeting  those  who  attended  went 
entirely  unarmed,  by  which  it  is  understood  that 
they  did  not  even  carry  sticks.  So  little  was  any 
disturbance  apprehended  that  ladies  were  invited  to 
attend,  and  did  attend.  Vet,  in  the  result,  sworn 
affidavits  of  witnesses  of  different  nationalities  agree 
in  the  statement  that  the  meeting  was  broken  up  al- 
most immediately  after  its  opening,  and  many  of 
the  persons  attending  it  were  violently  assaulted  by 
organized  bands  of  hostile  demonstrators,  acting 
under  the  instigation  and  guidance  of  persons  in 
Government  employ,  without  any  attempt  at  inter- 
ference on  the  part  of  the  police,  and  even  in  some 
cases  with  their  assistance  or  loudly  expressed  sym- 
pathy. 

"  The  Government  of  the  South  African  Republic 
has  been  asked  to  institute  an  inquiry  into  these  dis- 
graceful proceedings,  but  the  request  has  been  met 
with  a  flat  refusal." 

This  accusation  was  answered  in  the  following 
manner: 

"  The  Amphitheatre  occurrence  is  used  by  Her 
Majesty's  Government  to  show  how  incapable  the 
10 


146  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

police  of  the  Witwatersrand  are  to  fulfil  their  duties 
and  to  preserve  order.  The  League  meeting  was 
held  at  the  so-called  Amphitheatre  at  Johannesburg, 
with  the  knowledge  of  the  State  Secretary  and  State 
Attorney,  and  the  accusation  is  that  in  spite  of  that 
fact  the  uproar  which  arose  at  that  meeting  was  not 
quelled  by  the  police.  The  following  are  the  true 
facts:  Mr.  Wybergh  and  another,  both  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  South  African  League,  informed  the  State 
Secretary  and  the  State  Attorney  that  they  intended 
to  call  this  meeting  in  the  Amphitheatre,  and  asked 
permission  to  do  so.  They  were  informed  that  no 
permission  from  the  authorities  was  necessary,  and 
that  as  long  as  the  meeting  did  not  give  rise  to  irregu- 
larities or  disturbances  of  the  peace  they  would  be 
acting  entirely  within  their  rights.  Their  attention 
was  then  drawn  to  the  fact  that  owing  to  the  action 
and  the  propaganda  of  the  South  African  League, 
this  body  had  become  extremely  unpopular  with  a 
large  section  of  the  inhabitants  of  Johannesburg, 
and  that  in  all  probability  a  disturbance  of  the  peace 
would  take  place  if  a  sufficient  body  of  the  police 
were  not  present  to  preserve  order.  To  this  these 
gentlemen  answered  that  the  police  were  in  very 
bad  odor  since  the  Edgar  case,  that  the  meeting 
would  be  a  very  quiet  one,  that  the  presence  of  the 
police  would  contribute  or  give  rise  to  disorder,  and 
that  they  would  on  those  grounds  rather  have  no 
police  at  all. 

"  The  State  Secretary  and  State  Attorney  there- 
upon communicated  with  the  head  officials  of  the 
police  at  Johannesburg,  with  the  result  that  the  lat- 
ter also  thought  that  it  would  be  better  not  to  have 
any  considerable  number  of  police  at  the  meeting. 


CAPITALISTIC    JINGOISM.  H7 

The  Government  accordingly,  on  the  advice  of  these 
officials  of  the  League  as  well  as  their  own  police 
officials,  gave  instructions  that  the  police  should  re- 
main away  from  this  meeting;  they  did  this  in  per- 
fect good  faith  and  with  the  object  of  letting  the 
League  have  its  say  without  let  or  hindrance.  The 
proposed  meeting  was,  however,  advertised  far  and 
wide.  As  the  feeling  among  a  section  of  the  Wit- 
watersrand  population  was  exceedingly  bitter  against 
the  League,  a  considerable  number  of  the  opponents 
of  that  body  also  attended  the  meeting.  The  few 
police  who  were  present  were  powerless  to  quell  the 
disorder,  and  when  the  police  came  on  the  scene  in 
force  some  few  minutes  after  the  commencement  of 
the  uproar,  the  meeting  was  already  broken  up. 
Taken  by  itself,  this  occurrence  would  not  be  of 
much  importance,  as  it  is  an  isolated  instance  as  far 
as  the  gold  fields  of  this  Republic  are  concern 
and  even  in  the  best  organized  and  best  ordered 
communities  irregularities  like  the  above  occasion- 
ally take  place. 

"  The  gravity  of  the  matter,  however,  lies  in  the 
unjust  accusation  of  Her  Majesty's  Government — 
that  the  meeting  was  broken  up  by  officials  of  this 
Republic,  and  that  the  Government  had  curtly  re- 
fused to  institute  an  inquiry. 

"  This  Government  would  not  have  refused  to  in- 
vestigate the  matter  if  any  complaints  had  been 
lodged  with  it,  or  at  any  of  the  local  Courts,  and  this 
has  been  clearly  stated  in  its  reply  to  Her  Majesty's 
request  for  an  investigation. 

"  This  Government  objects  strongly  to  the  sys- 
tematic way  in  which  the  local  authorities  arc  ignored 
and  the  continual  complaints  which  are  lodged  with 


148  THE   STORY    OF   THE   BOERS. 

the  representatives  of  Her  Majesty  about  matters 
which  ought  to  be  decided  by  the  courts  of  this  Re- 
public. Instead,  however,  of  complaining  to  Her 
Majesty's  Government  after  all  other  reasonable 
means  of  redress  have  been  vainty  invoked,  they 
continually  make  themselves  guilty  of  ignoring  and 
treating  with  contempt  the  local  courts  and  authori- 
ties by  continually  making  all  sorts  of  ridiculous  and 
ex  parte  complaints  to  Her  Majesty's  Government  in 
the  first  instance ;  Her  Majesty's  Government  is  also 
thereby  placed  in  the  equivocal  and  undesirable  posi- 
tion of  intermeddling  in  the  internal  affairs  of  this 
Republic,  which  is  in  conflict  with  the  London  Con- 
vention. Had  the  complaints  been  lodged  with  this 
Government,  or  with  the  proper  officials  or  courts, 
the  facts  could  have  been  easily  arrived  at,  and  it 
would  have  been  proved  that  the  few  officials  who 
were  present  at  the  meeting  as  a  section  of  the  pub- 
lic had  done  their  best  to  prevent  the  irregularities, 
and  that  some  of  them  had  been  hurt  in  their  en- 
deavors to  preserve  order.  Instead  of  expressing 
their  disapproval  of  such  complaints  and  referring 
the  petitioners  to  the  local  courts,  Her  Majesty's 
Government  accepts  those  complaints  and  gives 
them  an  official  character  by  forwarding  them  for 
the  information  of  this  Government  and  by  pub- 
lishing them  in  blue  books  for  the  information  of 
the  world. 

"  Her  Majesty's  Government  will  readily  acknowl- 
edge that  there  is  no  state  in  the  world  with  any 
sense  of  dignity,  however  weak  and  insignificant  it 
may  be,  which  can  regard  such  matters  with  an  in- 
different eye;  and  when  the  relations  of  the  two 
Governments  are  strained,  then  the  mainspring  must 


CAPITALISTIC   J]  149 

be  looked  for  in  this  action  of  its  subjects,  which  is 
not  disapproved  of  by  Her  Majesty'    Government, 

and  not  in  imaginary  or  trumped-up  grievances." 

I  have  now  examined  the  principal  financial  and 
administrative  grievances  of  the  English  Uitlanders. 
I  say  English  Uitlanders  advisedly,  because  com- 
plaints are  seldom  or  never  heard  from  other  nation- 
alities, either  directly  or  by  means  of  diplomatic  rep- 
resentations. 

Can  it  be  contended  with  the  slightest  shadow  of 
right  and  fairness  that  these  grievances  afford  a  rea- 
son for  intervention?  What  crimes  have  been  com- 
mitted here  against  humanity  or  the  law  of  nations? 
Do  not  the  recorded  grievances  and  abuses  find  a 
parallel  in  occurrences  which  are  taking  place  every 
day  in  the  most  civilized  countries?  One  can  with 
perfect  justice  apply  to  the  present  circumstances 
the  language  which  the  Russian  Government  used 
in  stigmatizing  the  illegal  intervention  of  the  British 
Government  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Kingdom 
of  Naples: 

"  We  would  understand  that  as  a  consequence  of 
friendly  forethought,  one  Government  should  give 
advice  to  another  in  a  benevolent  spirit;  that  such 
advice  might  even  assume  the  character  of  exhorta- 
tion; but  we  believe  that  to  be  the  furthest  limit  al- 
lowable. Less  than  ever  can  it  now  be  allowed  in 
Europe  to  forget  that  sovereigns  are  equal  among 
themselves,  and  that  it  is  not  the  extent  of  territory, 
but  the  sacred  character  of  the  rights  of  each,  which 
regulates  the  relations  that  exist  between  them.  To 
endeavor  to  obtain  from  the  King  of  Naples  conces- 
sions as  regards  the  internal  government  of  his  states 


150  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

by  threats,  or  by  a  menacing  demonstration,  is  a  vio- 
lent usurpation  of  his  authorities,  an  attempt  to  gov- 
ern in  his  stead;  it  is  an  open  declaration  of  the 
right  of  the  strong  over  the  weak." 

In  spite  of  all  its  hypocritical  accusations,  the 
British  Government  is  perfectly  well  aware  that,  not- 
withstanding the  unparalleled  difficulties  with  which 
the  Government  and  the  Legislature  have  had  to  con- 
tend, the  administration  of  the  South  African  Re- 
public is  on  a  sound  basis,  and  can,  indeed,  be  fa- 
vorably compared  with  that  of  other  countries  in  a 
similar  position. 

It  knows  full  well  that  the  grievances  which  are 
used,  by  means  of  blue  books,  to  stir  up  and  excite 
the  altruistic  and  humane  feelings  of  the  British 
public  are  for  the  most  part  imaginary,  and  that  even 
if  they  were  perfectly  genuine  they  nevertheless 
afford  no  ground  for  a  justifiable  interference  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  the  Republic.  It  is  therefore  nec- 
essary to  have  recourse  to  "  Constitutional  means  " 
of  another  description. 

The  third  and  last  "  Constitutional  "  method  which 
Mr.  Chamberlain  has  had  recourse  to  in  order  to 
forcibly  intermeddle  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
South  African  Republic  is  the  claim  of  equal  rights 
for  all  the  white  inhabitants  of  the  South  African 
Republic.  In  this  claim  he  has  also  followed  the 
inspiration  of  Mr.  Rhodes,  for  after  the  Jameson 
Raid  Mr.  Rhodes  was  prepared  with  a  new  pro- 
gramme for  the  "  progressive  policy "  of  South 
Africa,  and  made  use  of  the  formula,  "  Equal  rights 
for  all  white  people  south  of  the  Zambesi."  Mr. 
Rhodes  altered  this  cry  afterwards,  with  an  eye  to 
the   colored  vote  in  the  Cape  Colony,   to  "  Equal 


A    DIAMOND    Ml  Ml.    KIMHEKLY 


CAPITALISTIC   Jl  i;  i 

righl  i  for  all  <  \  h  of  the  Zam- 

b     •:.- 

In  due  lime  the  echo  resounded  from  Downing 
Street,  "  Equal  :  -lit:  for  all  persons  in  the 

South  African  Republic."  This  formula  may  be 
either  desirable  or  undesiral  political  aspira- 

tion in  South  Africa.      But  it  is  hat  strange 

that  Mr.  Chamberlain  should  be  one  of  the  leaders 
of  the  parly  in  England  which  has  strenuously  op- 
posed the  policy  of  manhood  suffrage.  In  our  ease, 
however.  Mr.  Chamberlain  docs  not  confine  himself 
to  friendly  advice,  but  he  demands  the  franchise  for 
all  Uitlanders. 

The  South  African  Republic  already  possesses  a 
franchise  law,  according  to  which  every  person  is 
entitled  to  the  full  franchise  after  a  seven  years' 
residence  in  the  Republic.  But  Mr.  Chamberlain 
goes  much  further,  and  claims  a  far  more  extensive 
franchise.     On  what  grounds  does  he  base  his  claim? 

He  appeals  to  the  discussions  which  formed  a  pre- 
lude to  the  Convention  of  1881.  In  the  discussions, 
however,  mention  is  only  made  of  burgher  rights  or 
civil  rights,  with  reference  to  which  all  possible 
equality  has  continuously  existed  since  the  Sand 
River  Convention.  To  safeguard  the  eqv.  I'ity  of 
those  civil  as  distinguished  from  political  rights, 
Art.  12  of  the  Pretoria  Convention  provides  "all 
persons  (Her  Majesty's  loyal  subject-)  will  have  full 
liberty  to  reside  in  the  country  with  the  enjoyment 
of  all  civil  rights,  and  protection  for  their  persons 
and  property." 

The  period  of  the  franchise  was  increased  in  1SS2 
from  one  year  to  five  years,  without,  however,  any 
protest  from   Her   Majesty's  Government,   and   in 


152      THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

1884  it  was  provided  in  the  new  Convention  of  that 
year  in  the  most  express  and  clear  way  possible  that : 

"  {Art.  XIV.). — All  persons,  other  than  natives, 
conforming  themselves  to  the  laws  of  the  South 
African  Republic  (a)  will  have  full  liberty,  with  their 
families,  to  enter,  travel,  or  reside  in  any  part  of 
the  South  African  Republic;  (/;),  they  will  be  en- 
titled to  hire  or  possess  houses,  manufactories,  ware- 
houses, shops,  and  premises ;  (c) ,  they  may  carry  on 
their  commerce  either  in  person  or  by  any  agents 
whom  they  may  think  fit  to  employ;  (cf),  they  will 
not  be  subject,  in  respect  of  their  persons  or  prop- 
erty, or  in  respect  of  their  commerce  or  industry,  to 
any  taxes,  whether  general  or  local,  other  than  those 
which  are  or  may  be  imposed  upon  citizens  of  the 
said  Republic." 

In  this  way  all  white  Uitlanders  were  guaranteed 
in  their  rights  of  free  movement,  ownership,  and 
possession  of  property,  trade,  and  commerce,  and 
equal  taxation  with  the  burghers.  There  is  no 
mention  of  political  rights,  nor  has  there  ever  been 
before  this  year — 1899.  The  Government  of  the 
South  African  Republic  would  be  acting  strictly  in 
terms  of  the  Convention  if  it  informed  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain that  it  alone  has  to  determine  upon  the  fran- 
chise, as  being  a  question  of  a  purely  internal  na- 
ture ;  and  further,  that  in  claiming  the  right  in  terms 
of  that  Convention  to  force  the  Government  to  adopt 
a  particular  Franchise  Law  Mr.  Chamberlain  is  the 
party  who  is  violating  the  Convention. 

The  Government  of  the  South  African  Republic, 
however,  took  up  a  higher  position ;  the  State  Presi- 


CAPITALISTIC    JINGOISM.  I  53 

dent  went  to  Bloemfontein  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
cussing even  internal  affairs  in  a  friendly  spirit  with 
the  High  Commissioner— inter  a/ia—ihe  question  of 
the  franchise,  as  he  was  actuated  by  the  wish  to  con- 
solidate and  promote  the  peace  of  South  Africa. 

Sir  Alfred  Milner  said  there:  "If  the  question 
could  be  settled  upon  a  broad  and  firm  basis,  the 
tension  would  disappear  and  everything  come  right 
in  time."  He  has  done  his  best  latterly  to  prove 
that  he  did  not  say  or  mean  anything  of  the  kind, 
that  the  franchise  question  was  only  one  of  the 
burning  internal  matters  in  which  Her  Majesty's 
Government  interested  itself,  and  that  a  favorable 
understanding  about  the  franchise  would  in  no  way 
pave  the  way  to  an  agreement  as  to  the  other  points 
of  difference. 

The  attitude  of  Sir  Alfred  Milner  in  this  and  other 
questions  is,  however,  of  such  a  nature  that  it  is 
better  to  say  nothing  about  his  conduct,  but  to  leave 
him  to  the  judgment  of  public  opinion  and  history. 
No  agreement  being  possible  between  the  parties, 
President  Kruger  left  Bloemfontein  and  amended 
the  Franchise  Law  in  such  a  way  that  the  Orange 
Free  State,  the  Afrikanders  of  Cape  Colony,  and 
even  Mr.  Schreiner,  Premier  of  the  Cape  Colony, 
publicly  signified  their  approval  of  the  amendment 
which  had  been  made. 

Mr.  Chamberlain  now  discarded  the  appearance 
of  friendliness,  and  began  to  adopt  a  menacing  tone 
in  his  communications  to  the  Government  of  the 
South  African  Republic.  He  proposed  that  the 
question  as  to  whether  the  new  Franchise  Law  was 
satisfactory  or  not  should  be  discussed  by  a  Joint 
Commission. 


154     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

In  the  mean  while,  owing  to  informal  conversa- 
tions between  the  State  Attorney  and  the  British 
Government,  there  seemed  to  be  a  reasonable  pros- 
pect of  a  speedy  and  satisfactory  settlement.  The 
British  Government,  on  being  sounded  by  its  agent, 
announced  that  if  a  five  years'  franchise,  unham- 
pered by  complicated  conditions,  and  with  a  quarter 
representation  for  the  gold  fields,  were  conceded,  it 
would  be  prepared  to  consider  the  conditions  upon 
which  the  proposal  depended,  on  their  merits,  and 
would  not  consider  such  a  proposal  as  a  refusal  to 
accept  the  Joint  Inquiry.  The  conditions  were 
that  (a)  no  further  interference  should  take  place; 

(b)  that  the  claim  of  suzerainty  should  drop;  and 

(c)  that  further  disputes  should  be  settled  by  Arbi- 
tration. As  soon,  however,  as  the  proposal  was 
formally  made  the  British  Government  refused  to 
accept  the  condition  with  regard  to  the  dropping  of 
the  suzerainty  claim,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
the  High  Commissioner  had  declared  in  an  official 
dispatch  that  the  suzerainty  controversy  appeared  to 
him  to  be  etymological  and  not  political.  Shortly 
afterward  the  British  Government  made  what  was 
practically  the  same  proposal,  but  without  the  con- 
dition as  to  the  dropping  of  the  suzerainty  claim. 

As  the  Government  of  the  South  African  Repub- 
lic attached  a  vital  importance  to  this  condition,  in 
view  of  maintaining  its  international  status,  it  re- 
fused to  accept  the  proposal  in  this  form ;  it,  how- 
ever, now  reverted  to  the  invitation  for  a  joint  in- 
quiry, which  it  agreed  to  accept,  but  the  British 
Government  replied  that  it  was  too  late,  and  that  as 
a  matter  of  fact  it  no  longer  adhered  to  the  invita- 
tion. 


CONCLUSION.  155 

Here  we  see  in  the  clearest  light — 

(1)  That  although   the  High  Commissioner  had 

stated  that  the  suzerainty  was  only  a  question  of 
etymological  importance,  and  although  the  British 
Government  had  never  been  able  to  refute  the  argu- 
ments advanced  by  the  South  African  Republic  as 
to  the  abolition  of  the  suzerainty  in  1SS4,  the  Brit- 
ish Government  was  nevertheless  determined  not  to 
abandon  its  pretension,  and  is  now  prepared  to  make 
war  in  South  Africa  over  this  point. 

(2)  That  the  British  Government  invites  the  South 
African  Republic  to  a  joint  inquiry,  and  when  this 
invitation,  which  had  never  been  withdrawn,  is  ac- 
cepted, the  acceptance  is  refused  with  every  mark  of 
contempt. 

Is  there  any  instance  in  the  history  of  civilized 
diplomacy  of  such  trickery  and  such  callous  jugglery 
with  the  highest  interests  of  South  Africa? 

Can  any  one  wonder  that  South  Africa  hns  lost  all 
confidence  in  British  statesmanship? 

The  British  name  has  been  sullied  in  this  part  of 
the  world  by  many  perfidious  actions,  but  of  a  truth 
I  cannot  instance  any  more  despicable  and  repellent 
incidents  than  those  which  have  marked  the  course 
of  events  during  the  last  few  months. 

And  the  consequence  of  this  trickery  will  be  writ- 
ten with  the  blood  and  the  tears  of  thousands  of  in- 
nocent people. 

CONCLUSION. 

I  have  now  given  the  facts  of  a  Century  of  Op- 
pression and  Persecution.  They  are  not  air-born 
assumptions,  but  are  tai  ■  mouth  of  the 

most  trustworthy  historical  witnesses,  nearly  all  of 


156  THE   STORY   OF  THE   BOERS. 

them  of  British  nationality ;  they  are  facts  admitted 
as  incontestable  before  the  court  of  history.  As  to 
the  more  recent  events,  since  1898,  I  have  personal 
knowledge  of  all  negotiations  and  differences  de- 
scribed, and  I  can  state  that  I  have  confined  myself 
to  facts  that  will  be  more  clearly  elucidated  in  com- 
ing years,  when  the  curtain  will  rise  and  the  events 
of  the  last  two  years  in  this  deeply  stricken  country 
will  be  fully  published. 

Arrived  at  this  terrible  turning-point  in  the  his- 
tory of  South  Africa,  at  the  eve  of  a  struggle 
wherein  our  people  are  threatened  with  total  extinc- 
tion, it  behooves  us  to  speak — with  what  may,  per- 
haps, be  our  last  word  to  the  world— the  truth,  so 
that  even  if  we  should  perish,  truth  may  triumph 
through  us  over  our  victors,  and  may  continue  to 
eat  like  a  cancer  in  their  public  life,  until  it  will  be 
their  turn  to  sink  down  into  the  night  of  oblivion. 

Hitherto  our  people  have  kept  silent,  the  enemy 
has  calumniated,  slandered  and  struck  our  people, 
and  treated  us  with  contempt  and  hatred.  But  with 
dignity  that  may  remind  the  world  of  a  suffering 
still  greater  and  deeper,  our  people  have  borne  the 
insult  and  contempt  of  the  enemy,  and  impelled  by 
the  conscientiousness  of  their  duty,  have  tried  to  re- 
move the  errors  and  abuses  that  might  have  been 
committed  by  their  State  Government  in  moments  of 
less  watchfulness.  Even  this  was  called  weakness 
and  cowardice.  Upon  hundreds  of  platforms  in  Great 
Britain  and  by  the  most  prominent  statesmen  our 
people  have  been,  of  late,  called  incompetent,  uncivil- 
ized, faithless,  corrupt,  bloodthirsty,  void  of  honor, 
treacherous,  and  the  like,  until  not  only  the  British 
public,  but  nearly  the  entire  civilized  world,  has  com- 


CONCLUSION.  157 

menced  to  believe  that  we  are  wellnigh  the  equals 
of  wild  beasts.  Those  insults,  those  defiances,  we 
have  passed  them  in  silence. 

From  the  official  blue  books  of  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment, from  the  dispatches  of  Her  Majesty's  High 
Commissioner  in  South  Africa,  we  were  compelled 
to  hear  that  our  corrupt  State  Government  and  our 
unjust,  unprincipled,  and  disorderly  administration 
were  running  sores,  putrefying  like  a  pestilence 
the  moral  and  political  atmosphere  of  South  Africa. 
And  we  have  kept  silent.  In  numerous  newspapers 
we  have  been  accused  of  all  possible  crimes  against 
civilization  and  humanity ;  crimes  have  been  laid  at 
our  door,  the  mere  mentioning  of  which  make  the 
heart  shudder.  If  the  reading  public  believed  only 
one-hundredth  part  of  the  enormities  told  about  our 
people  and  Government,  it  must  have  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  this  Republic  was  a  den  of  murder- 
ers and  brigands ;  that  we  were  a  people,  the  mere 
existence  of  which  was  a  blot  upon  humanity.  No- 
body has  seen  any  effects  of  the  enormous  sums 
which  wc  were  alleged  to  spend  from  the  secret  fund 
in  order  to  buy  the  public  opinion  of  the  world,  but 
the  slander  went  its  course  like  an  all-destroying 
hurricane.  But  our  people  kept  silent,  partly  from 
ignorance  and  partly  from  a  feeling  of  despairing 
helplessness;  partly  because,  as  a  simple  agricultural 
people,  they  do  not  read  newspapers,  and  thus  could 
not  realize  how  the  feelings  of  the  entire  world  were 
aroused  against  us  with  malignant  rage.  The  prac- 
tical result  was  that  our  cause  was  lost  by  default 
before  the  tribunal  of  public  opinion.  For  these 
reasons  I  have  now  deemed  it  my  duty  to  state  the 
facts  that   have   characterized    the    British    policy 


158  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

toward  our  people  during  the  nineteenth  century. 
Naboth's  title  upon  his  vineyard  was  to  be  annulled, 
and,  according  to  the  hypocritical  Eritish  policy, 
that  result  could  be  best  attained  by  showing  him 
up  as  a  scoundrel  and  Ahab  as  an  angel.  I  have 
elucidated  the  facts  of  Ahab's  career  and  will  now 
proceed  to  draw  my  conclusions — conclusions  that 
must  irresistibly  appeal  to  the  mind  of  every  just 
and  unbiased  man. 

During  this  century  there  are  three  periods,  each 
of  them  characteristic  of  the  policy  of  the  British 
Government  toward  us 

The  first  period  commenced  in  1806  and  lasted 
until  the  second  half  of  this  century.  During  this 
period  contempt,  pure  and  simple,  constitutes  the 
essential  feature  of  the  British  policy.  "  The  stupid 
and  dirty  Dutch"  was,  during  that  time,  the  prevail- 
ing opinion  of  the  Britisher  toward  our  poor  peo- 
ple. But  the  hypocritical  nature  of  the  British 
policy  found  ways  to  express  this  contempt  in  terms 
of  the  most  sublime  ideas  then  ruling  the  civilized 
world.  A  sentimental  philanthropy  ruled  over  the 
civilized  world  and  was  used  by  the  British  Gov- 
ernment to  show  up  the  Boers  to  the  world  as  the 
oppressors  of  the  poor,  peaceful  natives,  which  were 
susceptible  of  religion  and  civilization,  and  who 
were  likewise  our  brethren.  If  it  should  appear  in- 
conceivable that  the  power  who,  under  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht,  acted  as  the  shameless  champion  of  slavery, 
should  show  a  sickly  affection  for  the  natives  in 
South  Africa,  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  in  this 
case  its  action  was  not  so  much  dictated  by  love  for 
the  native  as  by  its  hatred  and  contempt  for  the 
Boer,  which  was  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of 


CONCLUSION.  159 

its  policy.  As  a  consequence  of  this  hatred  for  the 
Boer,  concealed  under  the  pretext  of  love  for  the 
native,  the  natives  were  used  as  police  against  us, 
they  were  provided  with  arms  and  ammunition 
against  us,  they  were  incited  to  fight  us  and  where  - 
ever  possible  to  murder  and  rob  us.  It  was  com- 
pelled by  this  hatred  that  we  had  to  leave  the  Cape 
Colony  and  all  that  was  dear  to  us  and  to  seek  a 
shelter  in  the  unknown  wilderness  in  the  North,  and 
as  a  consequence  of  that  hatred  we  had  to  continue 
our  martyrs'  crusade  through  South  Africa,  until 
every  part  of  the  country  was  dyed  red  with  blood, 
not  so  much  of  men  capable  of  bearing  arms,  but  of 
women  and  children. 

The  second  period  runs  up  to  1SS1.  During  this 
period  the  foundation  of  the  British  policy  toward 
our  people  was  not  in  the  first  place  the  hatred  of 
the  Afrikander.  The  result  had  already  shown  that 
this  hatred  was  powerless  to  subject  the  Afrikander; 
on  the  contrary,  it  had  caused  the  Afrikanders  to 
spread  over  the  whole  of  South  Africa  as  the  reign- 
ing people.  In  a  moment  of  despondency  and 
thoughtless  disinterestedness  England  had  concluded 
a  treaty  with  the  Boers  (1852  and  1854)  whereby 
they  were  given  full  possession  of  certain  wild  and 
apparently  valueless  parts  of  the  country.  The  main 
feature  of  the  policy  during  the  second  period  was  a 
feeling  of  spite  on  account  of  this  mistake  and  the 
deliberate  purpose  to  neutralize  its  consequences. 
The  wild  and  valueless  territory  ceded  to  the  Boers 
appeared  to  be  very  valuable  after  the  Boers  had 
saved  it  and  opened  it  to  civilization;  these  territo- 
ries had  again  to  shine  as  pearls  in  Her  Majesty's 
crown,  notwithstanding  the  treaties  concluded  with 


160     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

the  Boers.  This  was  the  secret  purpose ;  as  regards 
the  ways  to  attain  it,  in  harmony  with  the  inherent 
hypocrisy  of  the  British  policy,  they  were  partly  con- 
cealed and  partly  open,  and  there  was  a  very  wide 
difference  between  the  two  kinds.  The  concealed 
way  was  to  arm  the  Kaffir  tribes  against  us  and  to 
incite  them  to  attack  us  in  violation  of  the  solemn 
treaties  and  promises.  If  successful  in  this,  Eng- 
land could  conceal  its  true  purpose  and  means,  and 
could  openly  interfere  for  the  preservation  of  peace 
and  order  and  to  protect  civilization  in  this  part  of 
the  world,  and  under  these  pretexts  the  Republics 
could  be  annexed.  With  regard  to  the  Orange  Free 
State  this  policy  was  not  successful,  as,  notwithstand- 
ing the  unlawful  detention  of  their  firearms  and 
ammunition  by  the  British  Government,  the  brave 
Burghers  of  our  neighboring  Republic,  after  a  hard 
struggle,  succeeded  in  defeating  Moshesh.  In  this 
case,  England  was  compelled  to  confine  itself  to  the 
protection  of  its  Basuto  instruments,  to  prevent  the 
Boers  from  attaining  any  benefit  from  their  victories, 
and  to  the  unlawful  annexation  of  the  diamond  fields. 
As  to  the  South  African  Republic,  unfortunately, 
its  citizens  were  not  careful  enough  to  guard  against 
the  shrewd  policy  of  the  enemy.  The  Transvaal 
Boers  had  vanquished  the  most  powerful  Kaffir  tribes 
and  did  not  realize  for  a  moment  that  the  small 
Kaffir  wars,  which  had  been  brought  about  by  Eng- 
lish intrigues,  and  which  they  did  not  prosecute 
with  all  possible  energy,  could  ever  be  used  as  a 
pretext  to  annex  their  country  to  the  British  empire. 
Thus  the  wars  with  Magato  and  Secoecoeni  were 
prolonged  to  the  greatest  satisfaction  of  Sir  Theo- 
phile  Shepstone  and  his  principals.     And  thus  came 


CONCLUSION.  16] 

the  Annexation,  "  with  the  extension  to  the  South 
African  Republic  of  Her  Majesty's  authority  and 
protection,  by  which  means  only  the  unity  of  pur- 
pose and  action  could  be  assured,  and  a  happy  pros- 
pect of  peace  and  prosperity  could  be  opened  for  the 
future."  These  words  of  the  Shepstonc  proclama- 
tion reveal  in  all  its  horrible  nakedness  the  hypoc- 
risy which  secretly  plunges  the  dagger  into  the  Boer 
Republic  and  openly  played  the  part  of  the  disinter- 
ested and  merciful  Samaritan. 

The  third  period  of  our  history  is  characterized 
by  the  combination  of  the  old  well-known  policy  of 
deceit  with  the  new  power  of  capitalism,  born  from 
the  mineral  treasures  of  the  South  African  Republic. 
Both  our  national  and  our  political  independence  are 
now  threatened  by  an  unrivalled  complication  of 
powers  and  influences.  We  are  now  confronted  by 
the  numbers,  the  British  public  opinion  seeking  blood 
and  vengeance,  the  capital  of  the  world  and  all  pow- 
ers that  can  only  be  called  together  under  the  ban- 
ner of  rapaciousness  and  cupidity.  During  the  last 
year  our  situation  has  become  gradually  more  pre- 
carious. The  cordon  of  beasts  and  birds  of  prey  has, 
during  the  last  ten  years,  been  gradually  tightened 
around  our  poor  doomed  people. 

Like  the  wounded  goat  feeling  the  approach  of 
the  lion,  the  fox,  or  the  buzzard,  our  people  all  over 
South  Africa  are  surrounded  by  the  intrigues,  vindic- 
tiveness,  hatred,  and  cupidity  of  its  enemies.  Every 
ocean  carries  the  vessels  laden  with  British  troops 
from  all  parts  of  the  world  to  crush  this  handful  of 
people.  Even  Xerxes,  with  his  millions  moving 
against  little  Greece,  does  not  furnish  a  more  un- 
natural spectacle  to  the  surprised  world  than  this 
ii 


1 62  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

sweet  mother  of  nations,  holding-  the  sharpened  knife 
in  her  hands  and  using  all  her  power,  all  her  treas- 
ures, all  her  high  traditions,  to  kill  this  poor  baby- 
crawling  in  the  dust.  This  is  no  war,  but  an  at- 
tempt at  infanticide. 

And  when  the  thought  of  the  spectator  is  struck 
by  horror  and  his  brain  refuses  to  work,  then  rises 
before  him,  as  a  dream  in  the  near  future,  the  scene 
of  Bantu  children  playing  in  the  gardens  and  the 
ruins  of  the  sunny  South,  over  the  graves  wherein 
the  children  of  the  heroes  of  faith  and  liberty  of  all 
Europe  are  slumbering.  And  the  Bantu  bands  of 
brigands  and  murderers  again  roam  where  the  dwell- 
ing of  the  white  European  used  to  stand.  And  if  he 
asks  why  all  this  has  happened;  why  the  heroic 
children  of  an  heroic  race,  to  which  civilization 
owes  its  highest  possessions,  were  murdered  in  this 
remote  part  of  the  world,  an  invisible  satyr  will  an- 
swer: "Civilization  is  a  failure,  the  Caucasian  has 
gone  under;"  and  then  he  will  wake  up  with  the 
screeching  of  the  word  Gold !  Gold !  Gold !  in  his  ears. 

The  orchids  of  Birmingham  are  yellow.  The 
traditions  of  the  greatest  empire  of  the  world  have 
faded  and  become  yellow.  The  laurels  fought  for 
by  the  British  legions  in  South  Africa  are  yellow. 
But  the  heaven  over  South  Africa  will  always  remain 
blue.  And  justice  invoked  by  Piet  Retief  when  our 
fathers  left  the  Cape  Colony;  invoked  by  Joachim 
Pinsloo  in  the  Volksraad  of  Natal,  at  the  time  of  the 
annexation  by  England,  and  to  which  the  Burghers 
of  the  Transvaal  devoted  their  cause  at  Paardekraal, 
in  1880,  remains  unchanged  and  is  like  a  rock, 
against  which  the  rushing  waves  of  British  diplo- 
macy will  break. 


CONCLUSION'.  163 

It  works  according  to  eternal  laws,  unaffected  by 
human  pride  or  change.  As  the  old  Greek  poet 
said,  it  allows  the  tyrant  and  his  brutal  bride  to 
climb  higher  and  higher,  to  increase  his  honor  and 
power  until  he  reaches  the  zenith  allotted  to  him, 
and  then  he  plunges  down  into  the  bottomless  preci- 
pice. 

Africans,  I  call  upon  you!  Act  as  Leonidas  and 
his  300  men,  who  faced  Xerxes  and  his  followers 
at  Thermopylae  and  do  not  fear  men  like  Milner, 
Rhodes,  and  Chamberlain,  and  not  even  the  British 
Empire,  but  rely  upon  the  God  of  our  fathers  and 
that  justice  which  sometimes  acts  slowly  but  never 
slumbers  or  forgets.  Our  fathers  did  not  pale  be- 
fore the  Spanish  Inquisition,  but  commenced  the 
great  struggle  for  freedom  and  right,  even  with 
the  mighty  Philip,  regardless  of  any  consequences. 
Neither  torture  nor  the  murderous  bands  of  Louis 
XIV.  could  break  the  spirit  of  our  fathers. 

No  Alva,  no  Richelieu  succeeded  in  rendering 
tyranny  victorious  over  the  spirit  of  freedom  and  in- 
dependence of  our  forefathers,  nor  will  a  Chamber- 
lain make  the  power  of  capitalism  triumph  in  our 
lands. 

If  it  is  so  disposed  that  we,  no  matter  how  small 
we  may  be,  must  be  the  first  of  all  nations  to  take 
up  the  struggle  with  the  new  world  tyrant  of  capital- 
ism, we  will  be  found  ready,  even  if  this  tyrant  is 
supported  by  all  the  power  of  Jingoism. 

May  the  hope  that  animated  us  in  our  struggle 
of  1880  be  also  indelibly  engraved  upon  our  hearts 
in  the  present  supreme  moment.  May  that  hope  be 
a  beacon  of  light  on  our  path,  wading  through  blood 
and  tears,  that  will  guide  us  to  a  truly  United  South 


164  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

Africa.  And  like  in  1880  we  now  confidently  lay 
our  cause  before  the  whole  world.  Whether  we  con- 
quer, whether  we  die,  liberty  will  rise  in  South  Africa 
like  the  sun  rises  from  the  morning  clouds,  and  like 
it  rose  in  the  United  States  of  America,  and  then  it 
will  be  from  the  Zambesi  to  Simons  Bay — 

"AFRICA  FOR  THE  AFRIKANDER." 


AN    EARNEST   REPRESENTATION   AND 
HISTORICAL   REMINDER. 

Pretoria,  Junk  15,  1899. 

To  Her  Most  Gracious  Majesty  the  Queen  of  Great 

Britain  and  Ireland,  Empress  of  India,  etc.,  etc. 

Your  Majesty:  It  is  with  feelings  of  deepest  pain 
and  distress  that  the  undersigned  ventures  to  address 
Your  Most  Gracious  Majesty  at  this  critical  period, 
and  in  view  of  the  dark  future,  which,  as  a  cloud,  is 
hovering  over  South  Africa,  the  land  of  his  birth 
and  home.  This  unhappy  situation  has  been  brought 
about  by  the  unjust  action  of  one  of  Your  Majesty 
Ministers,  who,  perhaps  in  good  faith,  though  upon 
incorrect  information,  has  allowed  himself  to  be  led 
by  unscrupulous  fortune -seekers,  reckless  speculators 
and  insatiable  capitalists. 

This  matter  will  be  reverted  to  again  during  the 
course  of  this  letter  by  Your  Majesty's  lowly  peti- 
tioner, who  desires,  first,  in  all  humility,  to  make 
known  to  Your  Majesty  who  he  is.  He  is  a  descend- 
ant of  and  great-great-grandson  of  Pierre  Joubert, 
one  of  the  Huguenots,  who,  because  of  their  relig- 
ious belief,  were  obliged  to  leave  their  homes  and 
friends,  and  to  seek  refuge  from  persecution  in  flight 
to  South  Africa,  where  they  could  serve  their  God 
in  freedom.  He  settled  at  Fransch  Hoek,  near  Cape 
Town,  which  was  then  under  the  administration  of 


1 66  THE    STORY    OF    THE    BOERS. 

the  "  Hollandsche  Compagnie,"  and  became  soon, 
through  the  blessing  of  God,  one  of  the  richest  and 
most  influential  farmers  and  landowners  there.  He 
resided  there  until  compelled  by  circumstances  to 
remove  to  the  district  of  Graaff-Reinet,  where  he 
now  lies  buried — in  the  land  of  my  birth,  that  passed 
for  good  under  the  rule  of  Great  Britain,  in  1806. 

Alas !  What  has  our  nation  not  experienced  and 
suffered  under  that  rule  ?  It  has,  perhaps,  never  been 
brought  to  Your  Majesty's  notice  why  these  people 
could  not  live  peacefully  in  their  land  of  adoption 
and  birth.  And  yet,  who  is  there  now  to  tell  you 
thereof?  And  how  would  he  begin?  It  would,  in- 
deed, be  tedious  to  relate  everything  minutely,  Your 
Majesty! 

The  discontent,  so  often,  and  to  his  detriment, 
ascribed  to  the  Boer  was  exaggerated  and  misrepre- 
sented, as,  for  instance,  in  the  matter  of  the  freeing 
of  the  slaves,  when  he  was  described  as  being 
inhumanly  against  their  liberation.  No !  Your  Maj- 
esty, it  was  not  the  Christian  Boers'  repugnance  to 
the  emancipation,  but  his  opposition  to  the  means 
employed  in  effecting  same  under  the  blessed  British 
rule.  Is  Your  Majesty  perhaps  aware  how  the  Boers 
became  possessed  of  those  slaves?  They,  the  Boers, 
had  no  ships  to  convey  the  slaves  from  Mozambique 
and  elsewhere,  as  none  other  than  English  vessels 
were  allowed  to  bring  slaves  to  the  Cape  market ; 
therefore,  it  was  from  English  slave-ships  that  the 
Boers  first  bought  their  slaves,  and  in  this  manner 
enjoyed  a  short  season  of  prosperity;  for,  assisted 
by  their  dearly  bought  slaves,  they  could  have  their 
lands  ploughed  and  sown  with  grain,  which,  under 
the  blessings  of  Britannia's  laws,  could  be  sold  for 


.\N    HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  i'  , 

not  more  than  i8d.  per  bag.  It  was  thereafter 
shipped  abroad  by  English  merchants  and  sold  at 
immense  profits.  And  then.  Your  Majesty,  the  Boer 
was  suddenly  told:  "Your  slaves  are  free,  and  you 
will  receive  compensation  to  such  and  such  an 
amount  for  them,  which  you  will  have  to  go  and  get 
in  England."  ur  Majesty,  'now could  the  Boer  be 

expected  with  his  ox- wagon  or  horses  to  go  and  fetch 
same?  To  have  undertaken,  at  that  time,  a  voyage 
so  dangerous  and  lengthy  (a  hundred  days  or  so  being 
the  time  required  to  accomplish  same)  would  have 
cost  more  than  the  small  amount  of  the  indemnity 
he  was  to  receive  for  his  dearly  bought  slaves. 
What  could  the  Boer  do?  The  only  means  left  him 
was  to  engage  the  English  dealer,  from  whom  he 
had  purchased  the  slaves  at  exorbitant  prices,  to  go 
and  fetch  the  money  for  him,  or  to  sell  his  chance 
for  what  he  could  get. 

How  many  unscrupulous  agents  and  merchants 
took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  thus  offered,  not 
to  reconcile  the  Boer  to  the  law  and  authority  of  the 
British  Government,  but  to  carry  out  their  own  de- 
signs, in  order  to  satisfy  their  cupidity,  thus  nurtur- 
ing the  hostility  of  the  Boer  against  the  Government, 
hoping  thereby,  eventually,  to  acquire  possession  of 
his  lands. 

The  population  increasing,  spread  out  further  and 
further,  gradually  enlarging  the  Colony ;  and  it  is, 
perhaps,  known  to  Your  Majesty,  how  the  poor  Boers 
on  the  frontiers  fared,  how  they  were  robbed  of  their 
cattle,  and  how,  owing  to  the  insufficient  protection 
afforded  them,  they  were  often  left  to  their  fate,  or 
more  frequently  persecuted  and  oppressed,  so  that 
it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  (although  I  do  not  seek 


168  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

to  justify  their  conduct)  that,  disgusted  and  dissatis- 
fied with  the  treatment  meted  out  to  them,  they  at 
last  rebelled  against  the  Government ;  thus  originat- 
ing what  took  place  in   1815   and  ended  so  disas- 
trously.    For,  as  Your  Majesty  is  perhaps  aware, 
matters  had  reached  such  a  pitch  that  a  collision 
between  the  British  troops  and  British  subjects  at 
length  resulted  over  the  quarrel  of  a  Boer  with  a 
semi-civilized  native,  which  unfortunate  incident  has 
imparted  to  the  place  where  the  British  took  such 
extreme  measures  against  the  Boers,  an  irreconcil- 
able and  ever-to-be-remembered  name — "  Slachtbank 
or  Slachtersnek  " — which  it  bears  even  unto  this  day. 
Alas!  Your  Majesty,  what  had  the  Boer  not  to  suf- 
fer, then,  under  the  otherwise  glorious  British  rule? 
Inquire  of  the  border  settlers  of  1820  to  1834,  when 
their  eventful  departure  from  the  Colony  took  place. 
Is  it,   perhaps,  known  to  Your  Majesty  how  they 
were  driven  back  from  the  boundaries  by  the  natives 
who  pursued  them  far  into  the  country,  harassing 
and  molesting  them?     Yes,  even  murdering  some, 
robbing  them  of  their  cattle,  and  burning  and  laying 
waste  their  homes.     What  protection  did  they  enjoy 
against  the  savages  who  had  murdered  their  wives 
and  children,   who  had  lashed  young  girls  to  the 
trunks  of  trees,  ravished  them,  cut  off  their  breasts, 
and,  after  performing  nameless  other  cruelties,  killed 
them?     They,  the  Boers,  were  called  out  for  Com- 
mando Service  at  their  own  expense,  under  com- 
mand and  control  of  the  British,  to  fight  the  Kaffirs. 
And  with  what  result?     The  Boer  was  impoverished 
thereby,  without  the  Kaffir  being  brought  to  a  sense 
of  his  duty;  for  while  on  commando,  his  cattle  were 
stolen  from  his  farm  and  driven  away  into  Kaffir- 


AN    HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  1 69 

land,  whither  he  was  prevented  from  going  in  order 
to  recover  them.  No!  they  had  no  choice  but  to 
wait  until  the  troops  retook  the  cattle,  which  were 
afterwards  publicly  sold  as  loot  in  the  presence  of 
the  owners  thereof,  the  Boers  being  informed  that 
they  would  receive  compensation  for  same.  But, 
Your  Majesty,  they  received  no  recompense;  not  in 
money  or  goods,  neither  in  rest  nor  peace,  but,  in- 
stead, abuse  and  indignities  were  heaped  on  them. 
They  were  told  that  they  should  be  satisfied  at  not 
being  punished  as  the  instigators  of  the  disturbance. 

Your  Majesty,  this  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  1834. 
The  dissatisfaction  evinced  at  such  treatment  became 
more  and  more  pronounced.  The  Boers  were  told 
by  His  Excellency,  the  Governor,  that  all  who  were 
not  content  or  would  not  submit  to  British  rule  were 
at  liberty  to  migrate  beyond  the  borders  of  the  Col- 
ony, out  of  British  territory.  With  feelings  of  deep 
anguish  at  the  thought  of  having  to  leave  their 
motherland  and  the  country  of  their  birth,  and  with  a 
weary  sigh,  the  question  escaped  them,  "Whither? 
To  the  dismal  hinterland  of  savage  South  Africa? " 
Yes!  yes!  Your  Majesty,  rather  the  dangers  of 
the  wilderness,  amidst  wild  animals  and  savage  men, 
than  to  remain  longer  under  the  yoke  of  so  iniqui- 
tous a  Government.  And  then,  "Come,  friends; 
come,  brothers!  Pack  your  wagons,  collect  your 
flocks  and  herds,  and  let  us  go  away  over  the  bor- 
der.    God  knows  whither,  and  He  will  guide  us." 

The  officials  of  the  British  Empire,  the  ambitious 
merchants  and  others,  flourished  there,  Your  Maj- 
esty, but  hither  came  the  Boers  in  groups  and  fami- 
lies in  search  of  peace  and  rest.  There  being  no 
one  to  purchase  their  well-cultivated  farms,  which 


IJO  THE   STORY  OF   THE  BOERS. 

they  could  not  remove,  they  were  compelled  to  part 
with  same  for  a  ridiculous  price  or  abandon  them 
entirely.  Then  into  the  unknown  they  wandered ; 
there  to  face  the  dangers  and  suffering  inseparable 
from  such  a  journey.  How  could  they  arm  them- 
selves against  such  dangers?  They  were  not  per- 
mitted to  carry  arms  or  ammunition  along  with  them, 
but  were  even  followed  by  British  officials  beyond 
the  Orange  River,  to  try  and  find  out  if  there  were 
not  perhaps  still  one  faithful  slave  with  his  master, 
and  if  the  Boers  were  not  perhaps  carrying  a  quan- 
tity of  arms  and  ammunition  along  with  them. 
Thanks  to  the  kindness  of  those  officials,  the  Boers 
were  advised  of  the  object  of  their  coming,  and  were 
consequently  enabled  to  conceal  their  guns  and  am- 
munition. Does  Your  Majesty  not  perceive  in  the 
aforementioned  some  analogy  to  certain  facts  in  bib- 
lical history?  For  even  as  Pharaoh  drove  the  Israel- 
ites through  the  Red  Sea,  were  the  Boers  driven 
through  the  Great  River.  Is  it,  then,  to  be  wondered 
at  that,  sad  at  heart  and  with  intense  bitterness,  they 
preferred  the  perils  of  the  desert?  Your  Majesty, 
who  can  write  the  history  of  their  lives?  Who  can 
describe  the  suffering  they  endured?  They  ventured 
forth,  trusting  in  God,  rid  of  all  human  despotism, 
surrounded  by  wild  beasts,  in  search  of  a  free  land 
for  their  children  and  children's  children.  They 
wandered  in  small  groups  further  and  further,  yet 
ever  onward,  until  they  arrived  at  the  Vaal  River. 
Here  they  pitched  their  tents  and  regarded  the  coun- 
try as  their  Eldorado.  Here  were  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence— fish  in  the  water,  game  on  the  veldt,  and  a 
prospect  of  being  able  to  sow  crops  and  to  live  in 
peace.     They  could  clothe  themselves  with  skins  and 


AN   HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  i/i 

subsist  on  flesh  until  God,  in  His  bounty,  provided 
other  means;  at  least  so  reasoned  the  poor  Boers. 
"Come  now,  let  us  erect  our  tent  (our  tabernacle; 
celebrate  the  Sabbath,  for  in  our  God  we  believe  and 
trust;  He  has  given  unto  us  thi  'rious  land  and 
we  shall  live  and  praise  Him  here.  It  needs  not  that 
we  go  beyond  the  Jordan,  we  have  no  Babylon  or 
Jericho  to  overthrow.  No  walls  to  be  demolished 
for  us,  for  our  Canaan  is  an  uninhabited  land ;  there- 
fore, ye  Boers,  be  up,  work  and  li\ 

Thus  they  thought,  and  thus  they  spoke  ;  but  how 
short-lived  was  their  delight,  when  at  break  of  day, 
one  morning,  the  dread  cry  of  "  Murder!  Murder!  " 
awakened  them.  What  could  it  be?  Whence  this 
uproar  and  confusion?  Moselikatse,  head  of  a  cruel, 
unknown  Kaffir  tribe,  had  come  with  a  large  regi- 
ment of  warriors  from  the  far  north,  through  a  wild 
and  unpopulated  country,  a  distance  of  over  a  hun- 
dred miles,  and  attacked  a  small  detachment  of  Boers 
near  the  river,  no  warning  having  reached  them  of 
the  intended  onslaught.  "  Up,  now !  Courage,  men ! 
Fight  for  your  lives,  for  your  wives  and  your  chil- 
dren." The  odds  at  first  were  three  to  one,  then 
seven,  and  eventually  increased  to  twenty  to  one; 
but  God  gave  them  courage  and  strength,  and  they 
not  only  repulsed  the  horde  of  savages,  but  succeeded 
in  rescuing  several  children  and  severely  wounded 
women  who  were  captured.  Your  Majesty,  these 
were  anxious  days  for  them.  Women  wounded — in 
one,  over  twenty  assegai  stabs  being  counted — no 
doctor  being  on  hand,  without  medicine,  and  many 
widows  and  orphans,  destitute  of  food  and  clothing, 
left  to  their  care.  And  what  had  to  be  done  next? 
Leave   the    Eldorado.     To    flee?     Whither?     Back 


1 72     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

again?     No,  no!     Not  to  the  flesh  pots  of  Egypt, 
but  to  God.     He  is  our  refuge ! 

Other  parties  of  the  Boers  had  gone  eastward. 
With  these  they  now  decided  to  combine.  But  did 
the  undaunted  Moselikatse  allow  these  few  Boers  to 
escape  him?  To  the  contrary,  he  immediately  sent 
a  second  expedition,  much  stronger  than  the  previ- 
ous one,  commanding  it  not  to  return  so  long  as 
there  remained  a  Boer  living;  that  he  did  not  there- 
after wish  to  hear  of  a  living  Boer.  Thus  it  came  to 
pass  that  this  small  party  of  fleeing  Boers  (thirty- 
eight  only  being  capable  of  bearing  arms),  with  their 
wives  and  children,  together  with  cattle  and  thirty- 
four  wagons,  were  followed  by  that  great  commando 
of  savages,  until  they  reached  that  ever  memorable 
spot  in  the  Orange  Free  State  known  as  "  Vechtkop, " 
where  the  Boers,  recognizing  the  futility  of  continu- 
ing their  flight,  drew  up  a  laager  or  camp  with  their 
wagons,  surrounding  same  with  branches  of  trees, 
and  calmly  awaited  their  pitiless  foe,  who  did  not 
long  delay  in  attacking  them  with  all  the  fiendish 
courage  of  savages.  Prepared  to  die,  in  the  face  of 
overwhelming  odds,  they,  nevertheless,  determined 
to  fight  manfully  to  the  last,  trusting  in  God.  The 
impending  danger  was  awaited  in  earnest  supplica- 
tions before  the  Throne  of  the  Triune  God.  As  the 
enemy  pressed  on,  each  Boer  made  use  of  his  rifle, 
causing  the  smoke  to  ascend  in  such  volumes  to 
heaven  that  even  the  flying  enemy  imagined  the 
Boers  had  been  vanquished,  that  their  laager  was  in 
flames,  and  that  they  had  been  utterly  annihilated. 
We  were  afterward  told  that  when  the  intelligence 
reached  Grahamstown,  Cape  Colony,  Your  Majesty's 
subjects  were  so  elated  thereat  that  they  celebrated 


AN    HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  1 73 

the  receipt  of  the  news  by  bonfires  and  other  illumi- 
nations, thinking  the  last  of  the  Boers  had  fallen, 
and  that  the  extravagant  expectations  of  the  discon- 
tented rebels  had  now  all  ended  in  smoke.  But  no! 
Your  Majesty,  our  God  in  heaven  had  another  des- 
tiny for  the  Boer.  For,  notwithstanding-  1,333  asse- 
gais were  hurled  into  the  small  laager,  only  two  men 
were  killed  and  six  wounded,  and  their  little  camp, 
unlike  the  cities  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  was  not 
laid  waste.  There  was  still  to  he  found  five  just  men 
before  God,  whose  prayers  had  warded  off  disaster, 
and  thwarted  the  wishes  of  Your  Majesty's  Grahams- 
town  subjects.  Not  only  did  our  God  cause  the 
smoke  and  mist  to  disappear,  but  he  touched  the 
heart  of  a  noble  native,  Marroco,  who,  when  he 
heard  of  the  wretched  plight  that  had  overtaken  the 
Boers,  sent  them,  without  delay,  succor  in  the  shape 
ofmilk,  Kaffir  corn  and  pack-oxen,  thereby  enabling 
them  to  rejoin  their  friends,  who  had  passed  over 
the  Drakensberg  into  Natal. 

Before  further  recording  the  history  of  this  party, 
I  would  like  to  relate  to  Your  Majesty  about  two 
other  ill-fated  parties  of  trekkers — that  of  Jansen 
van  Rensburg,  which  proceeded  northward,  beyond 
Zoutpansberg,  never  to  be  heard  of  again,  for  all 
record  of  them  is  as  absolutely  lost  to  the  world  as 
that  of  the  ten  tribes  of  Israel.  It  was  stated  that, 
owing  to  the  want  of  ammunition,  which  was  denied 
them  by  the  Government  of  the  British  Cape  Colony, 
on  their  departure  into  the  wilds,  they  were  massa- 
cred, every  one  of  them.  However,  what  actually 
became  of  them  we  do  not  know. 

The  other  party,  unde  r  Louis  Triehardt,  also  ven- 
tured as   far   as   Zoutpansberg,  thence   proceeding 


174     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

southeastward  until  Delagoa  Bay  was  reached,  where 
he,  the  leader,  and  others  succumbed  to  the  there 
prevailing-  fever,  and  from  which  place  the  few  sur- 
vivors, together  with  their  children,  were  conveyed 
by  vessel  to  Natal,  where  they  were  enabled  to  rejoin 
their  friends.  The  misery  and  suffering  experienced 
and  endured  by  these  pioneers  is  likewise  indescrib- 
able, and  distresses  one  even  to  think  of. 

But  now  let  us  return  to  the  history  of  those  who 
passed  over  the  Drakensberg  and  attached  them- 
selves to  Piet  Retief,  Gert  Maritz,  and  Uys,  and  let 
us  see,  Your  Majesty,  how  they  fared.  Did  they  go 
to  attack  a  peaceful  people?  Did  they  go  as  free- 
booters into  a  strange  or  friendly  country?  Did  they 
go  purposing  to  wrest  territory  from  a  lot  of  defence- 
less savages,  or  did  they  go  to  revenge  themselves 
on  the  brother  of  Moselikatse  for  the  iniquitous  at- 
tack on  them  at  the  instigation  of  the  latter?  Did 
they  seek  to  avenge  the  blood  of  Van  Rensburg  and 
others,  who  were  murdered  by  the  same  race  of  sav- 
ages as  that  to  which  Dingaan  belonged?  No !  Your 
Majesty,  nothing  of  the  kind.  First  they  held  com- 
munion with  the  Almighty  God,  and  then  approached 
the  savage  ruler  of  the  land,  King  Dingaan,  who  had 
already  promised  them  a  tract  of  country,  and  re- 
quested him  to  grant  them  a  written  agreement  to 
that  effect.  It  is  doubtless  known  to  Your  Majesty 
how  this  cruel  and  barbarous  chief,  after  having 
given  them  the  land,  and  after  duly  signing  the 
agreement  thereto,  mercilessly  and  treacherously 
murdered  Piet  Retief  and  his  seventy  men,  imme- 
diately afterward  sending  out  his  commandos  to 
massacre  those  awaiting  the  return  of  Piet  Retief 
and  the  unsuspecting  women  and  children.     Thus 


AN   HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  175 

without  warning  were  600  helpless  old  men,  women 
and  children  butchered  in  cold  blood.  What  a  panic, 
what  dismay,  this  caused  among  the  Boers  scattered 
about  the  country!  Those  remaining  were  robbed 
of  all  their  cattle  ;  and  what  could  they  do?  Should 
they  await  other  such  onslaughts  and  perish  eventu- 
ally at  the  hands  of  a  savage  people,  or  die  of  hunger 
in  the  wilderness?  Alas,  how  dismal  their  outlook 
seemed!  Whither  could  they  go?  Whence  could 
they  expect  help?  From  Great  Britain?  Yes,  and 
help  came  too !  A  vessel  arrived  at  Port  Natal,  and 
Captain  Jarvis  stepped  on  shore.  "  Thank  God,  as- 
sistance was  at  hand ;  now  no  more  starvation ;  no 
more  fear  of  the  sword  of  Dingaan.  Succor  has  come 
at  last !  "  Such  were  the  thoughts  of  many  a  simple- 
minded  Boer.  But,  alas !  how  soon  was  their  joy  to 
be  turned  into  grief  and  indignation,  for  how  terri- 
bly surprised  were  they  to  learn  that,  instead  of  hav- 
ing come  to  their  aid,  he  was  sent  to  forbid  them  to 
fight  with  the  natives  and  to  disarm  them.  What 
was  to  be  done?  Should  they  offer  Captain  Jarvis 
resistance?  Yes!  Rather  would  the3T  fight  to  the 
death  than  hand  over  their  firearms.  But  what, 
then,  if  the  Kaffirs  should  come  to  his  aid?  The 
Boers  found  their  prospects  more  cheerless  now  than 
ever.  They  acted,  therefore,  with  great  cunning, 
yet  with  submissiveness.  Rather  than  show  antago- 
nism they  hid  their  guns  and  ammunition  and  sub- 
mitted to  the  inspection  and  search  of  Captain  Jar- 
vis, anxiously  praying  to  God  to  give  them  refuge. 
Captain  Jarvis,  having  ascertained  that  there  was  no 
booty  to  be  got  from  the  pocr  Boers,  and  as  Natal 
offered  but  few  attractions  then,  was  glad  to  take  his 
departure. 


176     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

Poor,  deserted  Boer,  what  was  now  your  outlook? 
In  a  savage  land,  in  the  vicinity  of  a  powerful  and 
barbarous  tribe,  ruled  over  by  the  tyrant  Dingaan. 
What  was  there  to  do  but  to  avenge  the  murders  com- 
mitted and  restore  peace  with  the  sword?  There- 
fore, it  behooved  Pieter  Uys,  Hdk.  Potgieter  and 
every  one  to  punish  Dingaan  and  his  tribe  and  to  re- 
establish peace,  otherwise  the  Boers  would  not  have 
been  able  to  live  in  the  country.  Therefore,  "  Two 
hundred  men  of  you  up  and  get  at  the  mighty  Din- 
gaan!" This,  however,  was  not  owing  to  a  lust  for 
fighting,  Your  Majesty,  but  because  the  Boer  ad- 
judged it  absolutely  necessary,  and  no  one  in  the 
world  could  have  done  otherwise. 

A  return  to  the  Colony  was  not  to  be  thought  of. 
The  only  conclusion  they  could  arrive  at  was  to  en- 
deavor to  compel  Dingaan,  at  the  edge  of  the  sword, 
to  promote  peace.  How  unfortunate,  though,  was 
the  outcome  of  this  desperate  effort  of  only  two  hun- 
dred men  to  advance  against  the  might  of  Dingaan, 
in  the  midst  of  his  people  and  in  his  own  dangerous 
land,  without  the  support  of  cannon  or  other  instru- 
ments of  war,  but  simply  mounted  on  their  horses, 
armed  with  flintlock  guns.  And  yet  they  had  no 
choice  but  to  do  it.  The  issue  was  only  as  could 
have  been  expected.  Dingaan's  regiments  were  too 
powerful  for  the  little  handful  of  Boers,  who  were 
forced  to  take  refuge  in  flight,  not,  however,  until 
after  hundreds  of  the  foe  had  bitten  the  dust.  Their 
small  stock  of  ammunition  had  run  out ;  their  brave 
commander,  Piet  Uys,  his  never-to-be-forgotten  lit- 
tle son,  and  eight  others  lost  their  lives  in  this  con- 
flict. But  in  vain!  Dingaan  was  conqueror  and  his 
courage  revived  immediately.     He  then  sent  a  larger 


AN   HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  177 

and  more  powerful  commando  than  before,  with  in- 
structions to  completely  destroy  the  Doers.  This 
time,  however,  the  Boers  were  on  theirguard.  They 
had  constructed  a  laager  on  the  banks  of  the  Bos- 
mans  River,  where  the  flourishing  village  of  Escourt 
now  lies,  close  to  the  village  Weenen  (to  wail),  so 
called  in  memory  of  the  many  wailing  women  and 
children  massacred  there. 

It  was  here  that  Dingaan  was  to  learn  that,  although 
but  a  mere  handful  of  whites,  the  Boers,  with  right- 
eousness as  their  cause,  were  not  to  be  overthrown 
by  his  iniquitous  hosts.  No!  they  did  not  rely  in 
the  strength  of  their  horses  or  the  heroism  of  their 
men,  but  in  the  omnipotence  of  their  God,  who  gave 
them  the  victory.  For,  although  the  Boers  were 
surrounded  by  overwhelming  odds  and  repeatedly 
stormed  by  thousands  and  thousands  of  the  enemy, 
they  lost  but  one  killed.  The  Zulus,  however,  after 
three  days'  fighting,  were  forced  to  retire,  leaving 
so  many  of  their  dead  on  the  field  that  for  years  after 
the  veldt  was  white  with  their  bones,  testifying  to 
the  frightful  carnage  that  took  place  there.  God 
had  protected  the  Boers  and  delivered  the  dearly 
bought  land  of  Natal  into  their  hands.  They  had, 
however,  been  robbed  of  all  their  cattle  and  knew 
not  what  to  do.  Their  God  and  His  word  still  re- 
mained to  them,  and  so  they  were  comforted — for  he 
who  has  faith  in  God  has  not  built  upon  the  sand — 
and  in  the  sight  of  heaven  their  cause  was  just. 
Therefore  he  sent  them  help  from  above.  Andries 
Pretorius  had  in  company  with  other  Boers  recently 
arrived  from  the  Cape,  and  he,  having  called  together 
all  the  Boers  to  be  found  in  Natal,  and  even  as  many 

of  those  to  be  found  in  the  territory  known  as  the 
12 


178  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

Orange  Free  State,  formed  a  commando  about  four 
hundred  strong,  with  which  he  hazarded  to  invade 
Dingaan's  country,  and  notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
his  men  were  armed  only  with  flintlock  guns,  they 
succeeded,  on  December  16,  1838,  in  not  only  defeat- 
ing him  (Dingaan)  in  this  battle,  but  in  overthrowing 
his  kingdom  and  destroying  his  chief  kraal,  driving 
him  so  far  inland  that  he  was  nevermore  able  to  re- 
turn. In  token  of  their  gratitude  for  the  victory 
gained,  the  Boers  made  a  vow  to  ever  afterward 
keep  the  date  thereof  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving,  and 
so  the  1 6th  of  December  is  always  commemorated  at 
Paardekraal. 

One  would  have  thought,  Your  Majesty,  that  the 
Boer  after  this  would  have  been  left  alone  to  live 
peaceably,  praising  his  God  in  the  country  he  had 
bought  so  dear.  But  no !  the  yoke  of  oppression  had 
not  yet  been  broken.  Their  cup  of  bitterness  was 
not  yet  emptied.  Scarcely  had  the  Boers  laid  out 
the  village,  Pietermaritzburg,  dug  a  water-furrow, 
erected  a  church,  started  a  small  school  for  their 
children,  and  built  a  court-house  and  prison,  when  lo ! 
threatening  clouds  began  to  gather  and  the  alarm  to 
sound  again.  What  can  it  be — the  Kaffirs?  No!  a 
thousand,  thousand  times  worse.  The  English  have 
come ;  an  officer  with  a  company  of  soldiers,  equipped 
with  cannon  and  shell,  is  here !  "  It  is  Captain  Jar- 
vis,  that  good — that  brave  old  soldier.  We  will  soon 
be  able  to  adjust  matters  with  him ;  he  will  presently 
be  gone  again. "  No !  my  poor  fellow-Boers,  you  are 
deluded.  The  officer  is  Captain  Smith ;  he  has  come 
to  annex  the  country  as  a  possession  of  that  mighty 
empire,  Great  Britain — to  make  an  end  to  our  boasted 
independence  and  to  destroy  our  peace. 


AN    HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  179 

Your  Majesty,  it  is  with  a  shudder  I  recall  this  de- 
plorable incident.  It  cannot  be  wondered  at  that 
the  Boers,  who  had  endured  and  suffered  so  much 
to  obtain  this  land  and  to  form  an  independent  peo- 
ple, should  have  declined  to  voluntarily  submit  to 
such  an  injustice,  and  have  resisted  any  attempts  to 
achieve  the  same.  When  they  discovered  that  argu- 
ment and  fair  words  were  of  no  avail,  and  that  Major 
Smith  was  steadfast  in  his  purpose  to  take  possession 
of  the  country  and  crush  the  Boers,  and,  as  a  step  in 
that  direction,  had  already  declared  the  bay  an- 
nexed, they  were  driven  to  the  verge  of  despair  and 
so  resorted  to  arms.  Having  hastily  collected  to- 
gether to  the  number  of  about  two  hundred,  for  they 
were  but  few  and  much  scattered,  they  advanced 
toward  the  Congella.  Major  Smith,  vainly  imagin- 
ing that  this  mere  handful  of  Boers  would  be  dis- 
concerted and  put  to  flight  at  the  first  firing  of  his 
cannon,  advanced  along  the  shore  under  cover  of 
darkness,  until  he  had  almost  reached  the  sleeping 
laager,  when  he  opened  fire  on  the  picket  guard, 
comprising  about  twenty-eight  men,  with  the  fatal 
result  that  one  Boer  was  killed,  Jan  Greyling.  The 
remainder  of  the  Boers  repelled  the  attack,  and 
obliged  the  Major  to  retreat,  leaving  his  cannon  be- 
hind. I  may  here  mention  that  more  of  the  troops 
got  drowned  in  the  sea  than  succumbed  to  the  bul- 
lets of  the  Boers.  Now  they  had  to  face  the  fact 
that,  although  thankful  to  God  for  his  many  mercies, 
and  in  deep  sorrow  at  the  loss  of  one  of  the  bravest 
of  their  young  men  and  for  the  many  soldiers 
drowned,  they  had  opposed  the  might  of  Britain.  It 
was  awful  to  contemplate;  so  young  a  nation  as 
they,  which  had  suffered  so  many  hardships  at  the 


180  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

hands  of  the  savages  during  the  great  trek,  and  that 
had  just  been  visited  by  an  epidemic  of  measles, 
which,  owing  to  the  lack  of  medical  assistance  and 
proper  nourishment,  had  carried  off  many  of  them. 
Should  they  fight  or  surrender?  was  the  question 
asked.  Certainly,  fight  for  their  just  rights.  But, 
see,  two  ships  were  coming ;  it  is  madness  for  this 
little  handful  of  Boers  to  offer  further  resistance. 
They  were  not  trained  nor  armed  with  cannon ;  and 
thus  could  not  prevent  the  landing  of  a  force  stronger 
than  they  were  themselves.  They  dared  not  longer 
to  fight  the  English,  for  the  Kaffirs  had  already  com- 
menced to  harass  them  from  the  rear.  A  Boer  had 
been  killed  on  his  farm,  and  another,  named  Van 
Rooyen,  murdered,  his  wife  and  daughter  being  sub- 
jected to  the  most  inhuman  treatment,  ravished  and 
driven  away  naked.  Others  were  assaulted  and 
barely  escaped  with  their  lives.  In  this  way  the 
Kaffirs  proved  of  great  service  to  Major  Smith  and 
his  soldiers,  who  were  besieged  by  the  Boers  and 
had  already  been  driven  to  the  extremity  of  eating 
crows  and  horseflesh,  and  who  would  undoubtedly 
have  been  obliged  to  capitulate  had  it  not  been  for 
the  harassing  attacks  of  the  Kaffirs  in  the  rear  of  the 
Boers,  which  necessitated  them  hastening  out  to 
their  farms,  in  order  to  save  their  families  from  cer- 
tain death.  And  thus  it  came  to  pass  that  the  Boers 
lost  their  sacred  right  to  the  territory  of  Natal, 
which  had  been  purchased  with  the  blood  of  their 
slain.  What  was  to  be  done  next?  There  was  no 
other  remedy  for  it  but  to  trek  again,  and  to  trek  in- 
land, whither  the  English  would  not  follow  them, 
for  if  they  remained  they  would  once  more  have  had 
to  submit  to  the  British  yoke.     They  would,  never- 


AN    HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  iSl 

theless,  first  give  the  latter  a  trial.  "We  will  sub- 
mit," they  said;  "  per'  1  will  deal  with  us 
more  kindly  here  than  she  did  in  the  Cape  Colony,  our 
motherland.  Come,  let  us  wait  and  see!"  What 
happened  after  this,  Your  Majesty?  The  first  thing 
Your  Maje:  ty's  servants  did  was  to  banish  certain  of 
the  Boers,  who  had  to  flee  for  their  lives.  This  was 
not  all,  however,  for  when  the  Kaffirs  stole  their  cat- 
tle and  brought  them  to  Major  Smith,  the  Boers 
were  told  they  could  not  get  same  back,  as  he  had 
run  short  of  provisions  and  would  require  them  as 
food.  Thus  were  the  prospects  of  the  Boer  growing 
darker  and  darker.  Colonel  Cloete  had  arrived. 
What  had  he  to  tell  them?  Firstly,  that  they  were 
to  consider  themselves  the  conquered  subjects  of 
Her  Majesty.  And,  as  such,  what  would  they  en- 
joy? Each  one  who  had  occupied  a  piece  of  ground 
could  make  application  for  same,  which,  after  cer- 
tain investigations,  would  be  granted  him.  The 
country  had  been  won  and  acquired  by  the  Boers ; 
consqeuently  the  Boer  Volksraad  had  granted  to  each 
Boer  capable  of  bearing  arms  two  farms  and  one  erf 
at  Pietermaritzburg.  These  farms  were  inspected, 
registered,  and  declared  as  marketable  property  some 
time  before  the  appearance  of  the  English.  When, 
however,  several  of  the  Boers,  dissatisfied  with  the 
principle  of  British  rule,  began  to  leave  the  country, 
and  tried  to  barter  their  farms  and  erven  for 
wagons,  trek-cattle,  clothing,  and  other  requisites 
for  their  fresh  trek  inland,  they,  as  well  as  the  few 
Boers  who  intended  to  remain  under  British  rule  in 
Natal  and  had  bought  or  given  something  in  ex- 
change for  the  erven  and  farms,  were  profoundly 
astonished,  not  to  say  disappointed,  when  they  ap- 


1 82  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

proached  Colonel  Cloete  for  transfer  of  the  property 
they  had  secured,  to  hear  that  as  the  erven  and  farms 
had  not  been  bona-fidc  occupied,  they  had,  therefore, 
reverted  to  the  Government,  and  were  now  declared 
as  crown  lands.  "  The  wagon  and  oxen  or  money 
and  goods  you  gave  for  same  can  only  be  regarded 
as  a  dead  loss  to  yourself,"  was  the  reply  they  got. 

This  was  how  the  British  Government  in  Natal 
introduced  itself  to  the  defeated  Boers.  Many  and 
bitter  were  the  tears  shed  by  the  thus  oppressed  and 
impoverished  Boers. 

Is  Your  Majesty,  perhaps,  acquainted  with  the 
fact  that  the  Boers  sent  a  delegate  to  lay  their  griev- 
ances before  Your  Majesty,  who,  after  many  weeks' 
traveling  on  horseback,  reached  Governor  Pottinger 
and  entreated  him  to  listen  to  their  complaints? 
But,  Your  Majesty,  this  emissary  was  not  given  an 
audience.  Thus  it  was  obvious  to  all  that  the  doors 
had  been  closed  at  them  to  be  heard,  and  that  they 
would  have  to  patiently  tolerate  all  that  befell  them, 
without  the  slightest  prospect  of  ever  obtaining  jus- 
tice or  relief.  Is  it  a  matter  of  wonder,  Your  Maj- 
esty, that  under  these  circumstances  every  Boer  took 
advantage  of  the  first  opportunity  that  was  offered 
to  leave  the  Colony  of  Natal  and  trek  beyond  the 
Drakensberg  to  a  haven  of  rest,  where  there  was  no 
British  authority  and  where  they  could  live  and  die 
in  peace? 

It  was  upon  these  trek-Boers  that  various  decep- 
tions were  practised  in  Your  Majesty's  name.  They 
were  called  together  by  the  late  General  Pretorius 
to  meet  the  Governor,  Sir  Harry  Smith,  who,  it  was 
stated,  wished  personally  to  see  the  Boers  and  to 
learn  what  the  majority  desired.     It  was  announced 


AN    HISTORK  AL    REMINDER.  18 


5 


that  if  the  majority  would  remain  under  Her  Maj- 
esty's rule  he,  the  Governor,  would  give  them  land 
and  would  treat  the  minority  with  every  degree  of 
kindness  and  patience,  always  endeavoring  to  per- 
suade them  to  be  reconciled  to  British  authority; 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  should  it  appear  that  the 
majority  were  for  freedom  and  antagonistic  toward 
the  authority  of  the  British,  they  could  go  to  perdi- 
tion; Her  Majesty's  Government  would  not  trouble 
itself  further  about  them.  On  this  pretext  as  many 
of  the  Boers  as  could  were  prevailed  upon  to  proceed 
to  Winburg,  a  newly  laid-out  village,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  meeting  Sir  Harry  Smith.  But  how  ineffa- 
bly deceived  were  they,  for  instead  of  finding  Sir 
Harry  Smith  and  obtaining  a  peaceful  settlement  of 
all  their  grievances,  an  ultimatum  was  presented  to 
them  reading  as  follows:  "Your  headman  or  leader 
is  a  rebel.  I  have  put  a  price  of  a  thousand  pounds 
on  his  head,  and  woe  unto  any  of  you  who  connive 
at  his  escape.  I  will  treat  such  as  rebels."  Who 
can  describe  the  feelings  of  disappointment  and  re- 
sentment that  arose  in  the  breasts  of  the  Boers  at 
these  words,  and  to  which  can  only  be  attributed 
what  subsequently  took  place  at  Boomplaats  on  the 
29th  August,  1S49?  It  is  true  that  the  forces  of  Sir 
Harry,  reinforced  by  Basutos  and  Griquas,  suffered 
a  heavy  reverse.  The  Boers,  however,  being  armed 
only  with  flintlock  guns,  could  not  for  long  with- 
stand a  larger  and  better  armed  force,  supported  by 
cannon,  and  were  eventually  obliged  to  retreat,  leav- 
ing six  of  their  number  dead  on  the  field  and  several 
others  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  no- 
of  whom  we  have  ever  seen  again  or  heard  of. 

Thus  ended  this  act  in  the  drama  of  South  Africa. 


184  THE   STORY    OF   THE   BOERS. 

creating  new  miseries  for  the  Boers,  who  could  not 
immediately  trek  or  escape  in  flight  beyond  the  Vaal 
River,  where  the  Portuguese  had  conceded  them  a 
tract  of  country,  decimated  of  its  native  population 
by  the  raiding  of  Moselikatse,  previous  to  his  attack 
upon  the  Boers  in  1836,  and  for  which  he  had  been 
severely  punished  already  by  Piet  Uys  and  Hendrik 
Potgieter.  The  country  had,  so  to  say,  been  cleared 
by  the  Boers,  and  they  now  availed  themselves  of 
the  permission  given  them  by  the  Portuguese  to  set- 
tle down  north  of  the  Vaal  River,  where  they  imme- 
diately founded  a  village  which  they  named  Potchef- 
stroom.  Having  built  a  church  and  jail,  they 
proceeded  with  the  election  of  a  Parliament  and 
the  enactment  of  laws,  etc. 

It  had  by  this  time  begun  to  dawn  upon  Her  Maj- 
esty's Government  that  it  was  more  politic  to  leave 
the  Boer  severely  alone  than  to  be  everlastingly  pur- 
suing him  from  place  to  place  like  a  small  bird,  hop- 
ping from  branch  to  branch  and  tree  to  tree.  With 
the  object  of  assuring  the  Boers  that  they  would  not 
be  interfered  with  north  of  the  Vaal  River,  and  could 
administer  their  own  affairs,  Her  Majesty's  Special 
Commissioner,  Mr.  C.  M.  Owen,  was  sent,  with  the 
result  that  a  convention  was  entered  into  on  the 
16th  January,  1852,  sgned  by  Your  Majesty's  Com- 
missioners, Major  W.  S.  Hogg  and  Mr.  C.  M.  Owen, 
the  first  three  articles  of  which  read  somewhat  as 
follows : 


u 


Art.  1.  Her  Majesty's  Commissioners,  on  behalf 
of  the  British  Government,  do  absolutely  guarantee 
to  the  emigrant  Boers  north  of  the  Vaal  River  the 
right  of  administering  their  own  affairs  and  of  gov- 


AN    HISTORICAL    REMINDE]  185 

erning  in  accordance  with  their  own  laws,  without 
interference  whatsoever  on  the  part  of  the  British 
Government,  and  that  no  extension  shall  be  made 
by  the  said  Government  north  of  the  Vaal,  with  the 
additional  assurance  that  it  is  the  fervent  desire  of 
the  British  Government  to  maintain  peace  and  free 
trade,  and  to  promote  a  friendly  understanding  with 
the  emigrant  Boers  occupying  or  still  to  occupy  the 
said  territory,  and  it  is  further  understood  that  these 
terms  are  to  be  mutually  adhered  to. 

"Art.  2.  Should  there  arise  any  misunderstanding 
regarding  the  meaning  of  the  word  Vaalrivier,  more 
particularly  with  respect  to  the  tributaries  of  the 
Vaal,  the  question  shall  be  decided  by  a  mutually 
appointed  commission. 

"Art.  3.  That  Her  Majesty's  commissioners  dis- 
avow all  compacts  of  whatever  nature  with  the  col- 
ored nations  north  of  the  Vaal." 

See  also  the  protocol,  which  defines  the  boundary 
along  the  Vaal  River  and  the  Orange  Free  State 
right  unto  the  sea.  The  British  evidently  concluded 
that  the  Orange  Free  State  was  not  worthy  of  being 
retained  by  so  wealthy  and  good  a  Government  as 
that  of  England.  Therefore,  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment sent  Sir  Russel  Clark,  on  the  4th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1854,  to  abolish  the  suzerainty  and  give  the 
Boers  absolute  independence  and  free  govern- 
ment. 

This  just  action  on  the  part  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, Your  Majesty,  was  lauded  and  magnified  by 
the  Boer,  whose  confidence  in  the  equity  of  the 
British  had  revived.  No  one  dare  say  aught  detri- 
mental to  the  English.     No !  an  Englishman  was  as 


1 86  THE    STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

good  as  any  other  man.  This  feeling  toward  the 
English  can  be  testified  to  by  the  many  soldiers  who 
deserted  hither,  by  every  trader,  and  by  the  first 
gold-diggers  in  the  country.  Have  not  English  per- 
sons served  as  members  of  our  Executive  Council 
and  as  Landdrosts?  Have  not  Englishmen  sat  as 
members  of  our  Volksraad?  Yes!  even  several  who 
did  not  understand  Dutch.  Did  not  perfect  har- 
mony, co-operation,  confidence,  and  friendship  pre- 
vail then  between  the  Englishman  and  the  Boer  all 
over  South  Africa?  Would  not,  in  this  way,  all  the 
people  of  South  Africa,  irrespective  of  nationality, 
soon  have  been  blended  into  one  common  people  or 
nation? 

Whence  came  this  antagonism,  this  disruption, 
then?  Your  Majesty,  it  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  dia- 
monds, to  the  Basutoland  question  —  ask  but  The- 
ophilus  Shepstone — to  what  took  place  on  the  1 2th  of 
April,  1878.  Yes!  Lord  Carnarvon  knows,  as  also 
does  Sir  Michael  Hicks-Beach.  Did  the  Boers  not 
have  to  submit  to  the  diamond  fields  south  of  the 
Vaal  being  taken  from  them?  Was  not  the  glory  of 
having  vanquished  the  Basutos,  after  a  long  and 
bloody  struggle,  and  after  having  endured  so  much, 
snatched  from  the  Orange  Free  State?  Was  not  the 
trust  assured  them  by  the  Convention  abused  when 
they  were  dispossessed  of  a  stretch  of  country  where 
the  diamond  mines  were  situated,  and  for  which  they 
were  subsequently  obliged  to  accept  a  sum  of  ninety 
thousand  pounds  sterling — a  ridiculously  inadequate 
sum,  considering  that  in  one  week  the  value  of  the 
diamonds  procured  exceeded  this  amount?  Was  not 
the  Transvaal  annexed  after  all  the  native  tribes  had 
been  subdued  by  the  Boers?     Did  not  the  Boers  for 


AN   HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  187 

three  whole  years  implore  Lord  Carnarvon,  and  also 
later  Sir  Michael  Hicks-Beach,  as  it  were,  on  their 
knees,  for  a  restitution  of  their  rights,  sending  two 
deputations  to  Ed  '.  md  for  that  purpose,  yet  with- 
out obtaining-  the  least  hope  of  ever  having  their 
legitimate  rights  restored  to  them?  It  was,  there- 
fore, in  desperation  that  the  Boers  resolved,  on  the 
1 3th  of  December,  1S80,  at  Paardekraal,  to  recall  the 
Government  to  resume  their  official  duties,  which 
had  been  interrupted  owing  to  the  annexation,  and 
to  govern  the  people  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of 
the  land. 

Your  Majesty  is  probably  aware  that  when  the 
country  was  annexed,  on  the  12th  of  April,  1S77, 
against  which  act  President  Thomas  Burgers,  how- 
ever, resolutely  protested,  a  proclamation  was  printed 
at  Pretoria  in  the  name  of  the  Britis!1,  without  let  or 
hindrance  from  the  side  of  the  Boer.  No!  the 
Boers,  notwithstanding  their  indignation  at  this 
great  wrong,  submitted  to  the  law  and  preserved 
order,  intending  to  petition  Your  Majesty  against 
this  manifestly  unjust  breach  of  the  Convention, 
committed  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesty.  Th< 
therefore,  without  murmur,  permitted  the  publica- 
tion of  the  document.  When,  however,  they  wanted 
to  have  a  proclamation  printed,  declaring  to  the 
world  their  rights,  Major  Clark  ordered  his  men  to 
open  fire  on  them — and  this  without  previous  warn- 
ing or  the  proclaiming  of  war — wounding  two  and 
killing  one  of  their  horses.  Thus,  on  December  16, 
1880,  war  was  declared  by  England  against  the 
Boers,  regardless  of  the  Convention  of  1852,  wherein 
their  independence,  etc.,  etc.,  was  guaranteed  to 
them. 


188  THE    STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

This  was  how  the  war,  which  lasted  almost  three 
months,  originated. 

The  wretched  Boers  had  no  experienced  soldiers, 
nor  did  they  possess  cannon,  ammunition,  modern 
weapons  or  a  full  treasury ;  indeed,  they  were  almost 
destitute  of  food  and  clothing.  They  were  armed 
only  with  antique  flintlock  guns,  and  had  at  the  most 
a  hundred  rounds  of  ammunition.  Their  officers 
had  but  recently  been  chosen ;  the  majority  of  them 
had  never  been  under  fire  before,  and,  in  fact,  knew 
not  what  war  meant.  Such  were  the  men  who  were 
now  obliged  to  take  up  arms  and  to  give  battle. 
Against  whom?  Against  Your  Majesty?  Against 
Great  Britain?  No!  Your  Majesty,  happily  not; 
but  against  those  persons  who,  through  misrepre- 
sentation, had  beguiled  the  British  Empire  into  the 
committal  of  a  shameful  deed,  thereby  seeking  to 
cast  a  lasting  reproach  on  Your  Majesty's  honored 
name,  and  that  of  the  noble  British  race,  at  the  same 
time  straining  to  crush  a  people  to  whom  Your  Maj- 
esty had,  by  the  terms  of  the  Sand  River  Conven- 
tion, etc.,  guaranteed  their  independence. 

In  this  way  the  unfortunate  struggle  between  the 
Boers  and  English  came  about.  The  Boers,  perceiv- 
ing that  they  could  not  move  their  pitiless  oppressors 
by  their  protests  and  petitions,  resolved  to  repur- 
chase liberty  with  their  blood.  Although  many 
more  brave  English  soldiers  fell  than  Boers,  the 
loss  of  the  Boer,  however,  was  greater  and  more 
acutely  felt,  considering  the  status  of  the  British  sol- 
dier and  how  considerably  it  differs  from  that  of  the 
Boer.  The  Boer  was  fighting  for  his  property,  his 
home,  and  for  his  country.  He  is  invariably  the 
father  of   a  family,  and  if  he  gets  killed  then  he 


AX    HIS!    iRICAL    REMINDER.  189 

leaves  behind  him  a  widow  and  children,  or,  per- 
haps, the  only  son  of  a  widow  or  of  aged  and  de- 
crepit parents,  whose  support  he  was,  is  killed.  A 
soldier  knows  none  of  these  tender  anxieties.  lie  is 
instructed  in  the  science  of  war,  and  thinks  of  noth- 
ing else;  his  greatest  ambition  is  to  carry  out  the 
orders  of  his  commander  and  to  gain  a  medal  for 
bravery  in  the  fight.  They  do  not  concern  them- 
selves with  the  question  as  to  whether  they  are  fight- 
ing in  a  good  or  bad,  a  just  or  unjust  cause.  No! 
it  matters  little  to  them.  Those  in  high  positions 
(who  sit  in  safety)  should  know,  for  they  have  cal- 
culated ho  v  much  glory  and  honor  they  can  gain  or 
purchase  the  life  and  blood  of  the  soldier,  but 

they  do  not  consider  the  amount  of  suffering  and 
pain  they  inflict,  and  what  their  responsibility  will  be 
when  they  come  before  the  judgment  seat  of  the 
Great  Judge  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  before  whom 
every  one  will  one  day  have  to  stand,  face  to  face 
with  those  who  stood  under  their  authority  and  were 
used  to  the  destruction  and  downfall  of  others. 

In  this  war,  however,  such  was  not  the  outcome, 
for,  although  the  struggle  was  fierce  and  arduous 
and  the  Boers  lost  heavily,  their  God  gave  them  the 
ultimate  victory.  There  arose  a  man— Mr.  Glad- 
stone— at  the  head  of  affairs  in  Great  Britain,  an 
upright,  God-fearing  man,  who  could  discern  the 
directing  finger  of  the  Almighty,  and  was  not  too 
high-minded  to  acknowledge  the  same  and  boldly 
declare  that  righteousness  exalteth  a  nation — his 
nation,  Your  Majesty's  nation — while  injustice  and 
wrong-doing  sully  the  fame  of  a  nation.  Actuated 
thereto  by  a  generous  and  noble  impulse,  he  caused 
the  unjust  war  to  cease,  and  restored  the  honor  of 


190  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

Great  Britain  by  transforming  an  act  of  violence  into 
a  magnanimous  deed.  Peace  was  thereupon  con- 
cluded at  Lang's  Nek,  and  the  Boers  might  have 
again  exulted  at  being  in  amity  with  Great  Britain, 
although  burdened  now  with  a  heavy  debt — a  liabil- 
ity which  they  respectfully  protest  they  never  in- 
curred— an  empty  treasury,  broken  firearms,  ammu- 
nition all  spent,  and  a  Convention  that  cannot  be 
conformed  with,  which  can  be  declared  as  infringed 
every  day,  with  no  impartial  tribunal  to  determine 
one  way  or  the  other.  The  Boers  were,  however, 
free  again,  and  they  hoped  it  would  now  go  better 
with  them.  They  vainly  imagined  so,  and  fre- 
quently declared  so.  But,  alas!  Poor  Transvaal! 
You  have  hardly  survived  one  disaster  when  two 
others  stand  staring  you  in  the  face. 

Unfortunately  a  rich  gold  mine  has  been  discov- 
ered in  your  country.  It  is  surely  not  meant  for  the 
poor  down-trodden  Boer.  Poor  and  abandoned  men 
soon  began  to  flock  to  this  New  Eldorado,  and  were 
presently  followed  by  a  legion  of  unscrupulous  specu- 
lators. Afterward  certain  ambitious  capitalists  ar- 
rived on  the  scene,  who  knew  how  to  use  their  in- 
fluence, and  were  indifferent  as  to  what  role  they 
played  or  of  what  became  of  the  country  as  long  as 
they  could  increase  their  wealth  tenfold.  And  to 
what  end  did  they  eventually  apply  their  gold  de- 
rived from  the  Transvaal  mines?  Let  history  tell 
Your  Majesty,  and  it  will  prove  that  it  was  not  de- 
voted to  the  good  of  the  country  or  the  welfare  of 
their  fellow-men ;  but,  to  the  contrary,  to  the  detri- 
ment of  the  country  whose  hospitality  they  were 
enjoying. 

Their  object  was  to  overthrow  the  Government 


AN    HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  IQI 

and  to  rob  the  people  of  their  liberty,  by  force  if 
necessary.  As  they  had  money  in  abundance,  the 
proceeds  of  the  gold  they  had  won  from  the  mines, 
they  bought  thousands  of  rifles  and  Maxim  cannons 
— smuggled  these,  concealed  in  oil-casks,  into  the 
country  for  the  purpose  of  using  them  against  the 
people  of  the  Transvaal  to  oust  them  out  of  their 
country,  whither  the  capitalist  had  come  and  pos- 
sessed himself  of  the  gold  fields.  With  this  aim  in 
view  they  had  made  a  compact  with  one  Cecil 
Rhodes  to  undertake  a  raid  into  the  Transvaal,  Dr. 
Jameson  acting  as  the  tool. 

Behold!  Your  Majesty,  the  conduct  of  these  men 
— the  same  men  who  are  to-day  clamoring  about 
grievances.  Yes!  grievances  which  have  made 
them  rich,  richer  than  ever  any  of  the  Yoortrek- 
kers  was  or  any  of  their  children  will  be. 

They,  then,  who  tried  to  overthrow  the  South 
African  Republic,  who  stirred  up  strife  in  Johannes- 
burg, on  account  of  which  many  anxious  and  timid 
people  fled  from  the  city  to  escape  probable  hard- 
ships, are  responsible  for  that  dreadful  railway  ac- 
cident in  Natal,  through  which  so  many  mothers  and 
children  lost  their  lives.  They  shall  also  have  to 
answer  before  the  judgment  seat  of  God  for  the 
blood  that  was  spilt  during  this  contemptible  Jame- 
son raid.  Here,  again,  Your  Majesty,  six  Boers  fell 
defending  their  rights  and  the  independence  of  their 
country. 

Thus  have  the  Boers,  from  time  to  time,  been  ag- 
gravated and  harassed. 

But  even  in  these  troubles  they  were  not  deserted 
by  their  God,  who  gave  them  refuge  and  enabled 
them  to  prove  to  the  world  that  they  are   a  meek 


192  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

and  enlightened  people ;  for,  although  they  had  it  in 
their  power  to  refuse  to  grant  quarter  or  pardon  to 
Jameson  or  his  gang  of  freebooters,  they  did  not 
shoot  them  down  as,  perhaps,  another  military  force 
would  have  done,  or  even  follow  the  example  set 
them  at  Schlachtersnek.  The  thought  alone  that 
they  were  British  subjects  sufficed  the  Boers  not  to 
treat  them  according  to  their  deserts,  but  to  hand 
them  over  to  the  law  officers  of  Your  Majesty  to  be 
dealt  with  as  Your  Majesty  deemed  fit.  And  what 
are  the  thanks  we  get  for  our  magnanimity  in  liberat- 
ing Jameson,  Rhodes'  henchman?  Instead  of  thanks 
we  are  cursed  with  the  revival  of  the  Johannesburg 
agitation  of  1895  and  1896. 

These  are  the  men  who,  encouraged  and  assisted 
by  Mr.  Chamberlain,  are  trying  once  again  to  bring 
misery  upon  the  Transvaal,  and  as  a  means  to  this 
end,  and  in  order  to  mislead  the  generous  British 
public,  have  caused  a  false  document,  stated  to  have 
been  voluntarily  signed  by  21,000  oppressed  aliens, 
to  be  addressed  to  Your  Majesty.  If  Your  Majesty 
would  have  that  petition  sent  to  Johannesburg  to  be 
publicly  and  impartially  scrutinized,  it  would  soon 
be  made  manifest  how  many  thousands  of  the  names 
appended  thereto  are  of  persons  who  had  neither 
read  nor  seen  it,  and  of  numerous  others  who  have 
long  been  dead.  Armed  with  such  a  document  they 
are  now  endeavoring  to  bring  another  calamity  upon 
the  Transvaal,  and,  perhaps,  upon  the  whole  of 
South  Africa.  Were  such  a  scrutiny  to  take  place, 
it  could  be  positively  proved  that  many  whose  names 
appear  as  signatories,  rather  than  being  against  the 
continuance  of  the  independence  of  the  Transvaal, 
have  grievances  against  the  framers  of  that  notori- 


AN   HIS  CAL    REMINDER.  193 

ous  petition,  and  would  like  to  bring  them  up  I 
withholding  their  wages  or  ill-treatn  ent.  Such,  we 
are  sure,  will  faithfully  stand  by  the  Boers  and  fight 
for  their  adopted  country;  unlike  the  authors  of  that 
petition,  whose  guilty  consciences  are  prompting 
them  to  leave  the  country  or  send  their  wives  and 
money  away  to  Natal  or  the  Cape  Colony.  All  this 
for  fear  of  the  consequences  of  their  own  wickedness. 
They  have  insured  the  works  at  their  gold  mines 
against  damage,  which  they  recklessly  wish  to  cause 
to  others.  The  wire-pullers  of  this  vile  scheme  are 
Messrs.  Rhodes,  Chamberlain,  and  Jameson. 

Your  Majesty,  what  are  we  expected  to  do?  We 
are  told  to-day  they  demand  the  franchise.  Would 
it  not  be  better  for  the  people  and  for  the  independ- 
ence of  the  country  to  give  a  vote  to  every  raw  Eng- 
lishman, just  arrived  in  the  country,  or  even  an 
army  deserter,  than  to  such  unscrupulous  capitalists 
and  dishonest  speculators,  whose  only  object  is  to 
rob  the  South  African  Republic  of  its  independence, 
in  order  to  be  enabled  to  do  the  same  here  with  the 
gold  mines  as  they  did  with  the  diamond  mines  at 
Kimberley  under  British  rule? 

Your  Majesty,  it  was  with  a  deep  sense  of  pain  at 
the  critical  state  of  affairs  in  South  Africa  that  I 
commenced  to  write  this  letter,  but  my  pain  and  in- 
dignation have  been  intensified  by  what  I  have  lately 
read  in  the  newspapers  of  Mr.  Chamberlain  and  his 
statements  anent  the  Transvaal,  which  he  fondly 
hopes  will  be  accepted  as  gospel  truth  by  every  one. 
He  has  never  yet  been  in  the  Transvaal.  I  have 
been  to  London  and  yet  I  do  not  pretend  to  know 
all  about  it.  Would  it  not  be  presumption  on  my 
part  to  think  so?  And  does  he  alone  know  every- 
13 


194     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

thing  about  the  Transvaal?  No!  Your  Majesty. 
Now  I  see  clearly  that  he  has  been  misled,  that  he 
has  believed  in  fiction ;  for  how  otherwise  could  he 
have  uttered  such  language?  Witness  his  bitter 
speech  at  Birmingham  when  he  referred  to  the  shoot- 
ing of  Edgar.  Your  Majesty,  this  man  had  struck 
another  a  mortal  blow,  and  when  the  police  tried  to 
arrest  him,  he  struck  and  almost  killed  one  of  them, 
who  thereupon  shot  him  dead.  It  was  indeed  a  re- 
grettable incident ;  but  has  it  not  often  occurred  at 
Hyde  Park  and  Trafalgar  Square,  that  the  English 
police  have  found  it  necessary  to  fire  on  an  unarmed 
mob,  thereby  killing  and  wounding  private  citizens? 
And  did  ever  any  foreign  minister  dream  of  declar- 
ing war  against  England  or  make  unreasonable  de- 
mands on  account  of  such  action?  Mr.  Chamberlain 
is  alarmed,  forsooth,  because  a  woman  is  murdered 
in  the  streets  of  Johannesburg — a  circumstance 
which  we  all  deplore,  yet  cannot  discover  the  mur- 
derer. We  have  offered  a  reward  of  ,£500  to  any 
one  giving  information  that  will  lead  to  the  convic- 
ton  of  the  person  who  committed  this  crime,  but  up 
to  the  present  we  have  failed  in  tracking  the  culprit. 
Now,  Your  Majesty,  how  many  women  were  mur- 
dered in  London  by  the  so-called  Jack  the  Ripper, 
who,  notwithstanding  Mr.  Chamberlain,  has  never 
been  caught?  And  yet  who  would  ever  dream  of 
going  to  war  with  England  because  of  this  Jack  the 
Ripper?  Mr.  Chamberlain,  however,  would  set  the 
whole  of  South  Africa  ablaze  just  because  we  have 
not  captured  a  murderer,  or  because  a  jury  has  not 
convicted  an  Englishman  in  our  police  service  of  a 
certain  murder. 

Will  Your  Majesty  permit  a  small,  weak  State, 


AN    HISTORICAL    REMINDER.  195 

that  has  time  after  time  relinquished  its  rights,  and 
has  ever  tried  to  live  in  peace  and  harmony  with 
Your  Majesty's  people  and  Government,  to  be  op- 
pressed and  overthrown  by  the  world-renowned 
power  and  might  of  Great  Britain,  simply  owing  to 
the  misrepresentations  of  the  persons  I  have  already 
mentioned? 

Such  is  the  inquiry  of  one  who  considers  it  an 
honor  and  privilege  to  extol  Your  Majesty,  the  Queen 
of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  and  the  Empress  of 
India,  and  to  acknowledge  the  generosity  of  the  Brit- 
ish nation  and  of  several  British  statesmen. 

No!  Your  Majesty,  ever  in  supplication  to  the  Al- 
mighty, who  ruleth  over  Kings  and  Princes,  and  in- 
clineth  all  to  His  great  will,  I,  Your  Majesty's  hum- 
ble petitioner,  will  never  believe  that  Your  Majesty 
will  suffer  the  sacred  rights  of  a  weak,  peace-loving 
people  to  be  violated  in  your  name,  and  South  Africa 
to  be  cast  into  grief  and  mourning.  To  the  con- 
trary, I  pray  Your  Majesty  that  peace,  rest,  prosper- 
ity, union,  and  co-operation  will  reign  in  Your  Maj- 
esty's name  throughout  South  Africa,  and  endure  as 
long  as  there  remains  a  Boer  or  an  Englishman  on 
earth. 

Such  is  the  wish  and  prayer  of 

Your  Majesty's  most  humble  petitioner. 

P.  J.  Joubert. 


A  PROCLAMATION  TO  THE  ORANGE 
FREE  STATE  BURGHERS. 

Burghers  of  the  Orange  Free  State:  The  time 
which  we  had  so  much  desired  to  avoid,  the  moment 
when  we  as  a  nation  are  compelled  with  arms  to  op- 
pose injustice  and  shameless  violence,  is  at  hand. 
Our  sister  Republic  to  the  north  of  the  Vaal  River 
is  about  to  be  attacked  by  an  unscrupulous  enemy, 
who  for  many  years  has  prepared  himself,  and  sought 
pretexts  for  the  violence  of  which  he  is  now  guilty, 
whose  purpose  it  is  to  destroy  the  existence  of  the 
Afrikander  race. 

With  our  sister  Republic  we  are  not  only  bound 
by  ties  of  blood,  of  sympathy  and  of  common  inter- 
est, but  also  by  formal  treaty,  which  has  been  neces- 
sitated by  circumstances.  This  treaty  demands  of 
us  that  we  assist  her  if  she  should  be  unjustly  at- 
tacked, which  we,  unfortunately,  for  a  long  time 
have  had  too  much  reason  to  expect.  We,  there- 
fore, cannot  passively  look  on  while  injustice  is 
done  her,  and  while  also  our  own  dearly  bought 
freedom  is  endangered,  but  are  called  as  men  to 
resist,  trusting  the  Almighty,  firmly  believing  that 
He  will  never  permit  injustice  and  unrighteous- 
ness to  triumph. 

Now  that  we  thus  resist  a  powerful  enemy,  with 
whom  it  has  always  been  our  honest  desire  to  live  in 


TO   THE    FRE  A  i  E    BURGHERS.        i-r 

friendship,    notwithstanding    injustice   and    wroi 
done  by  him  to  us  in  the  past,  we  solemnly  declare, 

in  the  presence  of  the  Almighty  God,  that  we  are 
compelled  thereto  by  the  injustice  done  to  our  kins- 
men, and  by  the  consciousness  that  the  end  of  th< 
independence  will  make  our  existence  as  an  inde- 
pendent State  of  no  significance,  and  that  their  fate, 
should  they  be  obliged  to  bend  under  an  overwhelm- 
ing power,  will  also  soon  after  be  our  own  fate. 

Solemn  treaties  have  not  protected  our  sister 
Republic  against  annexation ;  against  conspiracy ; 
against  the  claim  of  an  abolished  suzerainty ;  against 
the  continuous  oppression  and  interference,  and  now 
against  a  renewed  attack,  which  aims  only  at  her 
downfall. 

Our  own  unfortunate  experiences  in  the  past  have 
also  made  it  sufficiently  clear  to  us  that  we  can- 
not rely  on  the  most  solemn  promises  and  agree- 
ments of  Great  Britain,  when  she  has  at  her  helm  a 
Government  prepared  to  trample  on  treaties,  to  look 
for  feigned  pretexts  for  every  violation  of  good  faith 
by  her  committed.  This  is  proved  among  other 
things  by  the  unjust  and  unlawful  British  interven- 
tion, after  we  had  overcome  an  armed  and  barbarous 
black  tribe  on  our  eastern  frontier,  as  also  by  the 
forcible  appropriation  of  the  dominion  over  part  of 
our  territory  where  the  discovery  of  diamonds  had 
caused  the  desire  for  this  appropriation,  although 
contrary  to  existing  treaties. 

The  desire  and  intention  to  trample  on  our  rights 
as  an  independent  and  sovereign  nation,  notwith- 
standing a  solemn  convention  existing  between  this 
State  and  Great  Britain,  have  also  been  more  than 
once,  and  are  now  again,  shown  by  the  present  Gov- 


198     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

ernment  by  giving  expression  in  public  documents 
to  an  unfounded  claim  of  paramountcy  over  the 
whole  of  South  Africa,  and,  therefore,  also  over 
this  State. 

With  regard  to  the  South  Africa  Republic,  Great 
Britain  has,  moreover,  refused  until  the  present  to 
allow  her  to  regain  her  original  position  in  respect 
to  foreign  affairs,  a  position  which  she  had  lost  in 
no  sense  by  her  own  faults.  The  original  intention 
of  conventions,  to  which  the  Republic  has  consented 
under  pressure  of  circumstances,  has  been  perverted 
and  continually  been  used  by  the  present  British  ad- 
ministration as  a  means  for  the  practice  of  tyranny 
and  of  injustice,  and,  among  other  things,  for  the 
support  of  a  revolutionary  propaganda  within  the 
Republic  in  favor  of  Great  Britain. 

And  while  no  redress  has  been  offered,  as  justice 
demands,  for  injustice  done  to  the  South  Africa  Re- 
public on  the  part  of  the  British  Government,  and 
while  no  gratitude  is  exhibited  for  the  magnanimity 
shown  at  the  request  of  the  British  Government  to 
British  subjects  who  had  forfeited  under  the  laws  of 
the  Republic  their  lives  and  property,  yet  no  feeling 
of  shame  has  prevented  the  British  Government, 
now  that  the  gold  mines  of  immense  value  have 
been  discovered  in  the  country,  to  make  claims  of 
the  Republic,  the  consequence  of  which,  if  allowed, 
will  be  that  those  who,  or  whose  forefathers  have 
saved  the  country  from  barbarism  and  have  won  it 
for  civilization  with  their  blood  and  their  tears,  will 
lose  their  control  over  the  interests  of  the  country, 
to  which  they  are  justly  entitled  according  to  divine 
and  human  laws.  The  consequence  of  these  claims 
would  be,  moreover,  that  the  greater  part   of  the 


TO   THE    FREE   STATE    BURG  IERS.        [9  I 

power  will  be  placed  in  the  hands  >se  who,  for- 

eigners by  birth,  i  qj  »y  the  privil  f  depriving 

the  country  of  its  chief  treasure,  while   they  have 
never  shown  any  loyalty  to  a  foreign  government. 

Besides,  the  inevitable  consequence  of  the  ac- 
ceptance of  these  claims  would  be  that  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  country  as  a  self-governing,  ind 
pendent  sovereign  republic  would  be  irreparably 
lost.  For  years  past  British  troops  in  great  num- 
bers have  been  placed  on  the  frontiers  of  our  sister 
republic  in  order  to  compel  her  by  fear  to  accede  to 
the  demand  which  would  be  pressed  upon  her,  and 
in  order  to  encourage  revolutionary  disturbances  and 
the  cunning  plans  of  those  whose  greed  for  gold  is 
the  cause  of  their  shameless  undertakings. 

Those  plans  have  now  reached  their  climax  in 
the  open  violence  to  which  the  present  British  Gov- 
ernment now  resorts.  While  we  readily  acknowl- 
edge the  honorable  character  of  thousands  of  English- 
men, who  loathe  such  deeds  of  robbery  and  wrong, 
we  cannot  but  abhor  the  shameless  breaking  of  trea- 
ties, the  feigned  pretexts  for  the  transgression  of 
law,  the  violation  of  international  law  and  of  justice, 
and  the  numerous  right-rending  deeds  of  the  British 
statesmen,  who  will  now  force  a  war  upon  the  South 
African  Republic.  On  their  heads  be  the  guilt  of 
blood,  and  may  a  just  Providence  reward  all  as  they 
deserve. 

Burghers  of  the  Orange  Free  State,  rise  as  one 
man  against  the  oppressor  and  the  violator  of  right. 

In  the  strife,  to  which  we  are  now  driven,  have 
a  care  to  commit  no  act  unworthy  of  a  Christian  and 
of  a  Burgher  of  the  Orange  Free  State.  Let  us  look 
forward  with  confidence  to  a  fortunate  end  of  this 


200  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

conflict,   trusting  to  that    Higher    Power,   without 
whose  help  human  weapons  are  of  no  avail. 

May  He  bless  our  arms.     Under  His  banner  we 
advance  to  battle  for  liberty  and  for  Fatherland. 

M.  T.  Stein, 
State  President. 


OFFICIAL   DESPATCHES 

EXCHANGED  BETWEEN  PRESIDENT  STEIN 
AND  THE  HIGH  COMMISSIONER. 

The  following  despatches  have  been  exchanged 
between  His  Honor  President  Stein  and  His  Excel- 
lency Sir  Alfred  Milner : 


High  Commissioner,  Cape  Town,  State  President, 
Bloemfontcin  : 
19th  Sept. — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  Your 
Honor  that  it  has  been  deemed  advisable  by  the  Impe- 
rial military  authorities  to  send  a  detachment  of  the 
troops,  ordinarily  stationed  at  Cape  Town,  to  assist 
in  securing  the  line  of  communication  between  the 
Colony  and  the  British  territories  lying  to  the  north 
of  it.  As  this  force,  or  a  portion  of  it,  may  be  sta- 
tioned near  the  borders  of  the  Orange  Free  State,  I 
think  it  desirable  to  acquaint  Your  Honor  with  this 
movement,  and  the  reasons  for  it,  in  order  to  prevent 
any  misconception  on  the  part  of  the  Burghers  of 
the  Orange  Free  State,  of  the  object  which  the  mili- 
tary authorities  have  in  view.  The  movement  in 
question  is  in  no  way  directed  against  the  Orange 
Free  State,  nor  is  it  due  to  any  anxiety  as  to  the  in- 
tentions of  the  latter,  as  I  rest  fully  satisfied  with 
the   declarations  on  this   point   contained  in  Your 


202  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

Honor's  telegram  of  August  16  last.  I  take  this 
opportunity  of  making  a  general  statement  of  the 
attitude  of  H.  M.  Govt,  at  the  present  juncture  which 
in  view  of  the  many  current  misapprehensions  on 
the  subject,  H.  M.  Govt,  have  authorized  me  to  con- 
vey to  Your  Honor.  H.  M.  Govt,  are  still  hopeful 
of  a  friendly  settlement  of  the  differences  which  have 
arisen  between  them  and  the  South  African  Repub- 
lic: but  should  this  hope  unfortunately  be  disap- 
pointed, H.  M.  Govt,  look  to  the  Government  of  the 
Orange  Free  State  to  preserve  strict  neutrality  and 
to  prevent  any  military  intervention  by  any  of  its 
citizens,  and  are  prepared  to  give  formal  assurances 
that  in  that  case  the  integrity  of  the  Orange  Free 
State  Territory  will  be  strictly  respected  under  all 
circumstances.  As  far  as  H.  M.  Govt,  are  aware, 
there  is  absolutely  no  cause  to  justify  any  disturb- 
ance of  friendly  relations  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  Orange  Free  State.  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment are  animated  by  the  most  friendly  senti- 
ments toward  the  Orange  Free  State,  and  it  is 
entirely  untrue  that  they  desire  to  impair  the  inde- 
pendence of  that  Republic. 

II. 

State  President,   Bloemfontcin,  His  Excellency  High 

Commissioner ,  Cape  Town  : 

19th  Sept. — Your  Excellency's  telegram  of  this 
day.  I  share  with  Your  Excellency  the  hopefulness 
of  a  friendly  settlement  of  the  differences  which  have 
arisen  between  H.  M.  Government  and  the  S.  A.  R. 
being  still  arrived  at.  I  cannot  even  now  see  that 
those  differences  justify  the  use  of  force  as  the  only 


«  IFPICIAL    DESPATCHES. 

solution  thereof.     Both  on  this  account  and   seeii 
the  existing  state  of  tension  here  and  elsewhere  in 

South  Africa,  I  note  with  appreb  □  and  regret 
the  intention  of  II.  M.  Government  to  send  a  detach- 
ment of  the  troops  ordinarily  stationed  at  C  pe  Town 
northward  with  a  view  to  having  same  or  a  portion 
thereof  stationed  near  the  border  of  this  State. 
While  this  Government  will  continue  to  do  all  in  its 
power  to  allay  excitement,  I  cannot  help  impressing 
upon  Your  Excellency  the  fact  that,  if  the  proposed 
course  be  pursued,  following  as  it  will  on  other  mili- 
tary preparations,  near  our  borders,  it  will  not  im- 
probably be  considered  by  our  Burghers  as  a  menace 
to  this  State,  and  will  in  any  case  and  naturally 
create  a  very  strong  feeling  of  distrust  and  unrest 
among  them.  If  unwished  for  developments  should 
arise  therefrom,  the  responsibility  will  not  rest  with 
this  Government.  I  will  submit  Your  Excellency's 
telegram  to  the  Volksraad  early  in  its  session,  which 
opens  on  Thursday  next,  and  meanwhile  beg  to  as- 
sure Your  Excellency  that  this  Government  would 
view  with  deep  regret  any  disturbance  of  those 
friendly  relations  which  hitherto  existed  between 
Great  Britain  and  this  State. 

III. 

High    Commissioner,    Cape    Town,    State  President, 
Bloemfontein : 

20th  Sept. — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge 
receipt  of  Your  Honor's  telegram  of  yesterday.  I 
propose  to  publish  the  telegram  which  I  addressed 
to  Your  Honor.  Does  Your  Honor  desire  that  I 
should  at  the  same  time  publish  your  reply' 


204  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 


IV. 

State  President,  Bloemfontein,  His  Excellency  High 
Commissioner,  Cape  Town  : 

20th  Sept. — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  Your  Excellency's  telegram  of  this  day.  I 
contemplate,  as  stated  yesterday,  submitting  Your 
Excellency's  telegram  to  the  Volksraad  if  possible 
to-morrow,  and  at  the  same  time  to  inform  it  of  my 
reply  thereto.  I  have  no  objection  to  my  reply  to 
Your  Excellency  being  published. 

V. 

State  President,  Bloemfo?itein,  His  Excellency  High 
Commissioner,  Cape  Town  : 

25  th  Sept. — I  have  this  day  received  informa- 
tion that  considerable  body  of  troops  are  being  moved 
northward  along  and  nearer  our  border,  from  Lady- 
smith  by  rail.  With  a  view  to  allaying  undue  ex- 
citement, I  trust  and  would  be  pleased  to  learn  from 
Your  Excellency  that  the  report  is  devoid  of  truth. 

VI. 

From  High  Commissioner,  Cape  Town,  to  State  Presi- 
dent, Bloemfontein  : 

25th  Sept. — Your  Honor's  telegram  of  to-day. 
Governor  of  Natal  informs  me  that  some  troops  are 
being  moved  from  Ladysmith  to  Glencoe,  and  will 
be  replaced  at  Ladysmith  by  troops  from  Maritz- 
burg.  There  is  no  advance  toward  the  borders  of 
the  Orange  Free  State,  nor  is  there  any  justification 


OFFICIAL   DESPATCHES.  205 

for  alarm.  I  am  not  aware  of  any  change  in  the  sit- 
uation since  my  telegram  to  Your  Honor  of  the  19th. 
I  adhere  to  the  hope  therein  expressed  as  regards 
differences  between  Her  Majesty's  Government  and 
the  South  African  Republic  and  repeat  the  assurance- 
given  to  the  Orange  Free  State. 

VII. 

State  President,  Blocmfontein,  His  Excellency  High 
Commissioner,  Cape  Town  : 

27th  Sept. — I  have  the  honor  to  communicate, 
for  information  of  Your  Excellency  and  H.  M.'s 
Government,  the  following  resolution,  this  day 
unanimously  adopted  by  the  Volksraad.  Translated 
begins: 

"The  Volksraad  having  heard  the  second  para- 
graph of  His  Honor's  opening  speech  and  the  official 
documents  and  correspondence  relating  thereto 
which  have  been  handed  in ; 

"  Having  regard  to  the  strained  state  of  affairs  in 
South  Africa,  which  has  arisen  in  consequence  of 
the  differences  between  the  Governments  of  the 
South  African  Republic  and  H.  B.  Majesty's,  which 
constitute  a  threatening  danger  for  bringing  about 
hostilities,  the  calamitous  effects  of  which  would  be 
incalculable  for  all  white  inhabitants  of  South  Afri< 

"  Being  bound  to  the  South  African  Republic  by 
the  closest  bonds  of  blood  and  alliance,  and  standing: 
in  a  most  friendly  relationship  toward  Her  British. 
Majesty's  Government; 

"  Fearing  that  should  a  war  break  out  a  hatred 
would  be  generated  between  the  European  races  in 
South  Africa,  which  still,  in  the  far  future,  will  im- 


206  THE    STORY   OP   THE   BOERS. 

pede  and  restrain  the  peaceful  development  of  all 
the  States  and  Colonies  of  South  Africa; 

"  Being  sensible  that  the  serious  obligation  rests 
upon  the  Volksraad  to  do  all  that  is  possible  to  pre- 
vent the  shedding  of  blood ; 

"Considering  that  in  the  course  of  negotiations 
with  the  British  Government,  which  have  extended 
over  several  months,  every  endeavor  has  been  made 
by  the  Government  of  the  South  African  Republic 
to  arrive  at  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  differences 
which  have  been  brought  forward  by  the  Uitlanders 
in  the  S.  A.  Republic,  and  which  have  been  adopted 
as  its  own  cause  by  the  Government  of  H.  B.  Majesty, 
which  endeavors  unfortunately  have  only  had  the  re- 
sult that  British  troops  have  been  concentrated  upon 
the  borders  of  the  South  African  Republic,  and  are 
still  continually  being  reinforced ; 

"  Resolves  to  instruct  the  Government  still  fur- 
ther to  do  everything  in  their  power  to  preserve  and 
establish  peace  and  to  contribute  by  peaceful  methods 
toward  the  solution  of  the  existing  differences,  pro- 
vided that  can  be  brought  about  without  injury  to 
the  Honor  and  Independence  of  this  State  or  of  the 
South  African  Republic,  and  wishes  unmistakably  to 
declare  its  opinion  that  there  exists  no  cause  for  war, 
and  that  if  a  war  is  now  begun  or  occasioned  by  H. 
B.  Majesty's  Government  against  the  South  African 
Republic  this  will  morally  be  a  war  against  the  whole 
white  population  of  South  Africa,  and  would  in  its 
results  be  calamitous  and  criminal.  Further,  that 
the  Orange  Free  State  will  honestly  and  faithfully 
observe  its  obligations  toward  the  South  African 
Republic  arising  out  of  the  political  alliance  between 
the  two  Republics,  whatever  may  happen. " 


OFFICIAL    DESPATCHES.  207 


VIII. 

From  State  President,  lUoemfontein,  to  His  Excel- 
lency the  High  Commissioner,  Cape  Town: 

27th  Sept. — In  view  of  the  ever-increasing-  grav- 
ity of  the  situation  and  the  strained  relations  unfortu- 
nately existing  between  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain  and  of  the  S.  A.  Republic,  I  deem  it  my  duty 
to  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  address  H.  M.'s 
Government  through  Your  Excellency. 

The  Free  State  Government,  as  H.  M.'s  Govern- 
ment are  aware,  is  bound  both  to  the  people  of  the 
S.  A.  Republic  and  of  the  neighboring  British  Colo- 
nies by  ties  of  blood  and  friendship.  It  is  in  addi- 
tion bound  on  the  one  hand  to  the  S.  A.  Republic  by 
a  solemn  treaty,  in  which  this  State  has  undertaken 
to  assist  the  Sister  Republic  in  the  event  of  its  Inde- 
pendence being  threatened  or  attacked,  while  on  the 
other  side  there  exists  between  it  and  the  British 
Government  and  the  Governments  of  the  neighbor- 
ing British  Colonies  long  established  and  highly  ap- 
preciated amicable  relations.  It  has  ever  been  and 
still  is  the  aim  and  object  of  Free  State  Policy  heart- 
ily to  support  and  continually  to  foster  any  measures 
tending  to  maintain  not  only,  but  to  increase  the 
spirit  of  harmony  and  co-operation  among  the  Colo- 
nies and  States  of  South  Africa  and  their  respective 
Governments,  and  it  would  most  deeply  regret  the 
occurrence  of  any  untoward  event  that  would  cause 
a  break  in  the  cordial  relations  hitherto  so  happily 
subsisting  between  this  State  and  all  its  neighbors. 

It  is  this  strong  feeling  of  good  will  and  amity 
toward  both  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  and 


208  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

of  the  S.  A.  Republic,  between  whom  relations  have 
now  for  some  time  been  unfortunately,  but,  as  I 
trust,  only  temporari1y  strained,  that  led  me  to  bring- 
about  the  Conference  between  Your  Excellency  and 
President  Kruger  in  May  last.  I  acted  in  the  hope 
that  thereby  the  basis  for  a  good  understanding  and 
harmonious  co-operation  in  the  future  might  have 
been  arrived  at.  That  Conference  terminated  with- 
out effecting  the  desired  results,  and  ever  since  then 
this  Government  has  been  unceasing  in  its  efforts 
and  has  done  all  in  its  power  to  obtain  a  peaceful 
and  satisfactory  solution  of  the  differences  between 
H.  M.  's  Government  and  the  S.  A.  Republic,  by 
influencing  the  Government  of  the  S.  A.  Republic 
to  make  most  important  reforms  in  the  matter  of 
Franchise  and  representation  for  British  subjects 
who  are  desirous  of  becoming  burghers  of  that  Re- 
public. 

In  pressing  those  Franchise  and  representation 
reforms  and  concessions,  this  Government  kept  in 
view  the  spirit  that  animated  Your  Excellency  at  the 
Conference  and  in  which  they  assumed  that  the  Brit- 
ish Government  also  was  willing  to  act,  viz. ,  "  to 
adopt  an  attitude  of  friendly  suggestion  and  not  of 
dictation  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Republic." 
When  it  is  borne  in  mind  what  the  position  was  both 
in  regard  to  the  question  of  Franchise  and  of  repre- 
sentation in  the  S.  A.  Republic  at  the  time  of  the 
Conference,  and  what  radical  reforms  have  been 
effected  by  the  Government  and  Legislature  of  that 
country  in  the  comparatively  short  time  that  has 
elapsed  since  that  date,  I  think  it  may  be  fairly 
claimed  that  our  efforts,  aided  by  the  representa- 
tions of  other  friends  of    peace  and    harmony  in 


OFFICIAL   DESPATCHES.  209 

South  Africa,  have  been  crowned  with  ;i  large  meas- 
ure of  success. 

While  the  Government  of  the  S.  A.  Republic, 
encouraged  thereto  by  the  advice  of  the  Free  State 
and  other  friends,  were  busy  inducing  the  Legisla- 
ture and  people  of  that  Republic  to  accept  reform  in 
the  direction  suggested  and  5  by  II.  M.'s  Gov- 

ernment, and  intended  to  meet  the  alleged  wants  of 
the  Uitlander  population,  and  even  lie  tore  the  pro- 
posal was  made  by  the  British  Government,  that  the 
Franchise  Law  and  scheme  of  increased  representa- 
tion for  the  Witwatersrand  Goldfields  should  be 
submitted  to  a  Joint  Commission  for  examination 
and  report,  this  Government  could  not  be  blind  to 
the  fact  that  the  tone  of  the  dispatches  had  altered, 
and  that  the  British  Government  had,  in  fact,  de- 
parted from  the  basis  on  which  negotiations  were 
opened:  that  of  not  interfering  in  the  internal  affairs 
of  the  Republic.  The  request  for  the  Joint  Com- 
mission of  Inquiry  emphasized  that  fact  beyond  any 
shadow  of  doubt.  Notwithstanding  this  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  O.  F.  State,  in  the  hope  that  an  impartial 
investigation  might  inaugurate  a  renewal  of  the 
employment  of  friendly  methods  tending  toward  a 
satisfactory  solution  of  the  questions  in  difference, 
and  adopting  the  friendly  suggestion  received  from 
several  quarters,  once  more  advised  the  Government 
of  the  S.  A.  Republic  to  make  yet  another  conces- 
sion, and  to  give  yet  another  proof  of  its  willingness 
to  meet  the  British  Governm>  y  consenting  to 

accept  the  invitation  of  the  British  Government  to 
take  part  in  such  a  Joint  Commission ;  this  advice 
was  adopted,  and  at  last  it  seemed  that  th  efforts  of 
the  friends  of  peace  and  harmony  in  South  Africa 


2IO  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

stood  a  fair  chance  of  being  crowned  with  success. 
Great,  therefore,  was  the  disappointment  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and  people  of  this  State  when  it  transpired 
that,  from  causes  with  which  I  am  still  unacquainted, 
our  best  efforts,  culminating  in  the  acceptance  by  the 
S.  A.  Republic  of  the  proposals  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment for  a  Joint  Commission  of  Inquiry  on  the  seven 
years  Franchise  Law  and  adopted  increased  repre- 
sentation scheme,  proved  unavailing,  and  that  the 
unfortunate  tension  seemed,  as  it  seems  now,  to  be 
only  increasing. 

This  Government  are  still  prepared,  and  tender 
their  services  to  further  the  interests  of  peace,  and 
to  continue  in  their  endeavors  to  procure  a  satisfac- 
tory solution  of  existing  difficulties  on  fair  and  rea- 
sonable lines:  they  feel  themselves,  however,  ham- 
pered now  as  in  the  past : 

a.  By  a  want  of  knowledge  as  to  the  definite 
object  and  extent  of  the  desires  or  demands  of  the 
British  Government,  compliance  with  which  that 
Government  consider  themselves  entitled  to  insist 
upon,  and  as  to  the  grounds  on  which  such  insistence 
is  based. 

b.  By  the  fact  that,  notwithstanding  the  repeated 
assurances  of  the  British  Government  that  it  did 
not  wish  to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
S.  A.  Republic  nor  to  disturb  its  independence, 
it  has  pursued  a  policy  which  seems  to  justify  a  con- 
trary conclusion. 

To  give  but  one  instance,  which  could  not  be 
otherwise  than  calculated  to  be  a  most  disturbing 
element  in  the  conduct  of  negotiations,  I  may  men- 
tion the  enormous  and  ever-increasing  military 
preparations  on  the  part  of  the  British  Government, 


OFFICIAL    DESPATCHES.  211 

indicating  a  policy  of  force  and  coercion  during  the 
whole  course  of  negotiations  which  were  stated  to 
be  of  a  friendly  and  conciliatory  nature,  those  prepa- 
rations, in  the  absence  of  any  apparent  cause  justi- 
fying the  same,  being  not  unnaturally  looked  upon 
as  a  direct  menace  to  the  S.  A.  Republic.  After  all 
that  has  been  done  by  the  S.  A.  Republic  to  meet 
the  wishes  of  H.  M.'s  Government  for  a  Joint  Com- 
mission to  inquire  into  the  scope  and  effect  of  those 
measures,  and  whether  immediate  and  substantial 
representation  would  thereby  be  assured  to  the 
Uitlanders  willing  to  avail  themselves  of  the  provi- 
sions thereof,  this  Government  cannot  conceive  it 
possible  that  the  points  of  difference  that  may  exist 
on  this  subject  justify  those  extensive  and  ever-in- 
creasing military  preparations  being  carried  out  on 
the  borders,  not  only  of  the  S.  A.  Republic,  but  also 
of  the  O.  F.  State,  and  it  is,  therefore,  reluctantly 
compelled  to  conclude  that  they  must  be  intended  to 
secure  other  objects  at  present  unknown  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  this  State,  and  the  knowledge  whereof, 
if  they  prove  to  be  fair  and  reasonable,  might  induce 
this  Government  to  make  necessary  representations 
to  secure  their  attainment  and  enable  them  to  con- 
tinue their  efforts  to  secure  a  speedy,  peaceful,  and 
satisfactory  solution  of  the  difficulties  and  differences 
existing  between  H.  M.'s  Government  and  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  S.  A.  Republic.  I  beg  to  add  that  I 
am  firmly  convinced  (and  feel  sure  that  any  reason- 
able assurance  could  be  obtained),  that  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  S.  A.  Republic  have  been  sincerely  de- 
sirous to  maintain  in  its  integrity  the  Convention  of 
1884,  both  as  regards  its  letter  and  its  spirit,  and 
that  they  do  not  contemplate  or  assert  a  claim  to  any 


212  THE   STORY   OF  THE   BOERS. 

absolute  political  status  without  the  qualification  aris- 
ing out  of  Art.  4  of  that  Convention,  and  accord- 
ingly it  does  not  appear  to  me  that  there  is  any  mis- 
understanding hereon  that  could  not  promptly  and 
without  difficulty  be  settled.  I  feel  assured  that 
there  is  no  difference  between  their  contention  on 
that  point  and  the  communication  made  on  behalf 
of  H.  M.'s  Government  by  H.  M.  's  High  Commis- 
sioner to  the  Governments,  both  of  the  S.  A.  Re- 
public and  of  this  State,  on  the  27th  February,  1884, 
as  to  the  import  of  that  Convention.  That  commu- 
nication was  as  follows :  "  Same  complete  internal 
independence  in  Transvaal  as  in  the  Orange  Free 
State.  Conduct  and  control  intercourse,  Foreign 
Governments  conceded.  Queen's  final  approval 
Treaties  reserved." 

In  the  expectation  that  H.  M.'s  Government  will 
share  my  views  that  no  effort  should  be  spared  to 
effect  a  peaceable  settlement,  if  possible,  of  the 
points  in  difference  between  them  and  S.  A.  Repub- 
lic, and  that  consequently  all  causes  of  irritation 
likely  to  delay  or  prevent  such  settlement  should  be 
removed  or  at  least  not  be  aggravated,  I  trust  that 
H.  M.'s  Government  may  see  their  way  clear  pend- 
ing the  arrival  of  the  further  despatch  intimated  as 
about  to  be  sent  to  the  Government  of  the  S.  A.  Re- 
public, and  pending  further  negotiations,  to  stop  any 
further  movements  or  increase  of  troops  on  or  near 
the  borders  of  the  S.  A.  Republic  and  of  this  State, 
and  further  to  give  an  assurance  to  that  effect  to  al- 
lay the  great  excitement  and  irritation  naturally 
aroused  and  increased  thereby,  and  if  H.  M.'s  Gov- 
ernment should  be  pleased  to  accede  to  this  request, 
this  Government  would  be  glad  to  be  favored  with 


0    FICIAL  \.TCH1 

the  views  of  !:'  M.'s  Government  on  the  points 
raised  herein,  and  mere  particularly  as  to  the  pre- 
cise nature  and  scope  of  the  meas- 
ures,  the    adoption  whereof  II.    M.'s  Government 

consider  themselves  entitled  to  claim  or  which  they 
suggest  as  being-  necessary  or  sufficient  to  insure  a 
satisfactory  and  permanent  solution  of  existing  dif- 
ferences between  them  and  the  S.  A.  Republic, 
while  at  the  same  time  providing  a  means  for  set- 
tling any  others  that  may  arise  in  the  future. 
(Sig.)  M.  T.    Steyn, 

Stat i-  President. 

IX. 

High  Commissioner,    Cape    Town,   His  Honor  State 
President,  Bloemfontein  : 

28th  Sept. — I  beg  to  acknowledge  your  Honor's 
two  telegrams  received  last  night,  the  contents  of 
which  I  have  communicated  to  H.  M.'s  Govern- 
ment. 


State  President,  Bloemfontein,  His  Excellency  High 
Commissioner,  Cape  Town : 

2d  Oct. — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  Your  Ex- 
cellency that  I  have  deemed  it  advisable  in  order  to 
allay  the  intense  excitement  and  unrest  among  our 
Burghers  arising  from  the  totally  undefended  state 
of  our  Borders  in  the  presence  and  continued  increase 
and  movement  of  troops  on  two  sides  of  this  State, 
to  call  up  our  Burghers  to  satisfy  them  that  due  pre- 
cautions have  been  taken  in  regard  to  guarding  our 
Borders  and  to  insure  their  not  acting  independentlv 
of  proper  control.     I  am  still  strongly  and  sincerely 


214  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

desirous  of  seeing  and,  if  possible,  aiding  in  a  friendly 
settlement  of  the  differences  between  K.  M.  Govern- 
ment and  the  S.  A.  Republic  being  arrived  at.  I 
am  still  looking  forward  soon  to  be  favored  with  the 
views  of  H.  M.  Government  on  the  points  touched 
upon  in  my  telegraphic  despatch  to  Your  Excellency 
of  the  27  th  ult,  receipt  whereof  was  acknowledged 
by  Your  Excellency  on  the  following  day. 

XL 

High  Commissioner,  Cape  Town,  His  Honor  State 
President,  Bloemfontein  : 
2d  October — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge 
Your  Honor's  telegram  of  to-day,  the  terms  of  which 
I  am  communicating  to  H.  M.  Government.  With 
reference  to  the  movements  of  troops  to  which  you 
refer,  I  can  only  repeat  the  assurances  given  in  my 
telegrams  of  the  19th  and  25th  September.  I  regret 
that  Your  Honor  should  have  felt  obliged  to  order 
up  a  large  body  of  Burghers  and  to  place  them  imme- 
diately on  our  Borders,  whereas  no  Imperial  troops 
have  been  so  placed  on  the  Borders  of  the  Orange 
Free  State,  except  the  small  detachment  engaged  in 
the  defence  of  Kimberley,  but  as  Your  Honor  has 
seen  fit  to  take  this  course,  I  am  glad  to  have  Your 
Honor's  assurance  that  your  forces  will  be  held  in 
proper  control.  As  Your  Honor  is  aware,  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  S.  A.  Republic  has  mobilized  and 
piaced  upon  the  Borders  of  Natal  a  very  consider- 
able army  and  made  dispositions  which,  unwilling  as 
I  am  to  believe  such  action  possible,  seem  to  indi- 
cate an  immediate  invasion  of  the  Queen's  domin- 
ions.    In  view  of  the  repeated  declaration  of  Your 


OF  L    DESPATCHE  215 

Honor  I  feel  confident  tii.it  any  invasion  of  II.  M. 
territories  by  the  S.  A.  Republic  would  not  have  the 
countenance  and  sup;".!!  of  Your  Honor's  Govern- 
ment, all  the  n  0  as  Your  Honor  continues  to 
express  the  hope  of  a  peaceful  settlement,  of  which  I 
likewise  do  not  despair.  I  hope  to  be  able  very 
shortly  to  communicate  to  you  the  reply  of  II.  M. 
Government  to  your  telegram  of  the  27th  of  Sep- 
tember. 

XII. 

State  President,  Bloemfontein,  His  Excellency  High 
Commissioner ;  Cape  Town; 

2d  October. — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge 
receipt  of  Your  Excellency's  telegram  of  this  after- 
noon. I  cannot  help,  regretfully,  expressing  my 
conviction  that  the  action  of  the  Transvaal  in  put- 
ting Burghers  on  their  Borders  is  only  the  natural 
result,  all  along  feared  by  me,  of  the  constant  in- 
crease of  British  troops  and  their  movement  in  the 
direction  of  Transvaal  Border.  At  the  same  time  I 
have  no  reason  to  anticipate  any  immediate  aggres- 
sive action  on  part  of  Transvaal,  unless  further  for- 
ward movement  of  British  troops  should  indicate  in- 
tention of  attack  on  Transvaal.  I  beg  to  urge  upon 
Your  Excellency  the  necessity  of  trying  both  to  ex- 
pedite the  reply  to  my  telegraphic  despatch  and  to 
prevent  further  movement  of  troops. 

XIII. 

High   Commissioner,    Cape    Town,    Slate    J  "resident, 
Blocnifontcin  : 

3rd    Oct. — I   have    the    honor   to    acknowledge 
Your  Honor's  telegram  of  yesterday  evening.     Your 


2l6  THE   STORY   OF   THE    BOERS. 

Honor  must  be  perfectly  aware  that  all  the  move- 
ments of  British  troops  which  have  taken  place  in 
this  country  since  the  beginning  of  present  troubles, 
and  which  have  been  necessitated  by  the  natural 
alarm  of  the  inhabitants  in  exposed  districts,  are  not 
comparable  in  magnitude  with  the  recent  massing 
of  armed  forces  of  the  S.  A.  Republic  on  the  bor- 
ders of  Natal.  I  do  not  suggest  that  Your  Honor  is 
in  any  way  responsible  for  that  action,  which  appears 
to  me  inconsistent  with  the  tone  of  Your  Honor's 
telegram  of  the  27th  September,  in  which  you  ex- 
pressed your  conviction  that  a  peaceful  settlement 
of  difficulties  was  still  possible  and  ought  to  be  ar- 
rived at. 

XIV. 

State  President,  Bloemfontein,  High  Commissioner, 
Cape  Town  : 
3rd  Oct. — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  Your 
Excellency's  telegram  of  this  morning.  I  am  as 
sincerely  and  strongly  desirous  as  ever  to  see  a 
speedy,  peaceful,  and  satisfactory  solution  being  ar- 
rived at,  and  to  do  all  that  lies  in  my  power  to  try 
even  yet  to  attain  that  result.  I  deem  it  my  duty, 
however,  to  state  emphatically  that  I  do  not  con- 
sider that  the  movements  of  British  troops  which 
have  taken  place  in  this  country  since  the  beginning 
of  the  present  troubles  have  been  necessitated  by 
the  natural  alarm  of  the  inhabitants  in  exposed  dis- 
tricts, nor,  in  fact,  have  I  ever  thought  that  there 
were  any  fair  grounds  justifying  such  movements. 
On  the  contrary,  I  have  never  for  a  moment  had  or 
expressed  any  other  view  than  that  the  ever-increas- 
ing military  preparations,  which  both  in  England 


OFFICIAL    DESPATCHES.  217 

and  in  South  Africa  have  all  along  accompanied 
protestations  for  a  desire  to  arrive  at  peaceful  and 
friendly  settlement,  retarded  and  hampered  the  ef- 
forts of  myself  and  all  those  who  were  sincerely 
working  to  maintain  peace  and  effect  fair  settlement. 
To  the  bitter  and  hostile  tone  of  the  utterances  made 
both  by  responsible  men  and  by  almost  the  whole 
English  press  in  South  Africa  and  in  England,  bris- 
tling with  misrepresentation  and  constant  menace 
to  the  Transvaal,  accompanied  by  ever-increasing 
military  preparations  on  an  extensive  scale,  not  only 
in  South  Africa  and  in  England,  but  throughout  the 
British  Empire,  which  are  openly  stated  as  being 
directed  aeainst  and  intended  to  coerce  the  Trans- 

o 

vaal,  I  mainly  attribute  the  failure  hitherto  of  arriv- 
ing at  an  amicable  and  satisfactory  solution  of  exist- 
ing difficulties.  I  wish  to  place  on  record  my 
earnest  conviction,  that  on  those  in  authority,  who 
introduced  the  military  element,  and  who  thereby 
inaugurated  and  have  since  continued  a  policy  of 
menace  and  forcible  intervention,  will  rest  the  re- 
sponsibility, should  all  efforts  fail  to  secure  peace 
and  an  honorable  settlement  of  differences.  After 
the  proofs  already  given  by  the  Transvaal  since  the 
Conference,  to  meet  the  views  and  wishes  of  the 
British  Government,  I  consider  the  constant  and 
systematic  attempts  to  throw  the  blame  for  the  pres- 
ent critical  situation  of  affairs  on  the  S.  A.  Republic 
unjust  to  and  undeserved  by  the  latter. 

While  I  am  not  responsible  for,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, for  a  long  time  successfully  used  my  best  en- 
deavors to  prevent  the  massing  of  burghers  by  the 
Government  of  the  S.  A.  Republic  on  their  borders, 
I  cannot  but  recognize  the  fact  that  in  view  of  the 


218  THE   STORY  OF   THE   BOERS. 

action  of  the  British  authorities  already  alluded  to, 
the  Transvaal  Government  cannot  be  blamed  for  act- 
ing as  they  have  done.  I  am  the  more  confirmed  in 
this  view  by  the  fact  that  while  I  am  still  without 
any  reply  to  my  telegraphic  despatch  of  the  27  th  ult. , 
and  in  which  I  expressed  my  conviction  as  quoted 
by  Your  Excellency,  the  reasonable  request  therein 
made  that  the  increase  and  further  movement  of 
British  troops  should  be  stayed,  and  which,  if  ac- 
ceded to,  would  probably  have  prevented  the  calling 
out  of  the  burghers  both  in  the  S.  A.  Republic  and 
in  this  State,  has  not  only  been  ignored,  but  activity 
in  military  preparations  and  the  despatch  of  troops 
have  been  going  on  more  persistently  than  ever. 

I  am  not  in  a  position  to  judge  whether  the 
movement  of  British  troops  on  the  Border  of  the  S. 
A.  Republic  is  comparable  or  not  in  magnitude  with 
the  recent  massing  of  armed  forces  of  the  S.  A.  Re- 
public on  their  Borders,  but  Your  Excellency  should 
not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  on  all  sides  in  the  Eng- 
lish press  and  otherwise  the  assertion  constantly 
finds  expression  that  the  British  troops  already  in 
this  Country,  with  their  superior  armament  and  dis- 
cipline, are  more  than  a  match  for  the  undisciplined 
Burgher  force  of  the  Republic,  are  intended  forth- 
with to  enforce  British  demands  on  the  Transvaal, 
and  that  moreover  troops  are  being  despatched  al- 
most daily  from  England,  and  military  preparations 
are  in  active  and  constant  progress  which  are  utterly 
incompatible  with  the  requirements  of  defence,  and 
which  would  seem  to  more  than  sufficiently  justify  a 
conviction,  in  the  minds  of  the  Burghers  of  the  S. 
A.  Republic,  that  England  has  abandoned  any  idea 
of  attempting  any  longer  to  arrive  at  a  solution  of 


OFFICIAL    DESPATCHE  2  i<j 

differences,  except  by  force.  I  trust  that  Your  Ex- 
cellency will  receive  this  communication  in  the-  spirit 
in  which  it  is  honestly  intended,  namely,  to  put  the 
facts  of  the  case  and  the  situation,  as  I  see  them,  at 
this  most  critical   tin  before  you  so  as  to 

prevent  any  misunderstanding,  not  only,  but  in  the 
hopes  that  by  a  clear  comprehension  of  the  views  I 
hold  as  to  the  causes  which  have  brought  about  the 
present  crisis,  Your  Excellency  may  the  better  be 
enabled  to  form  a  judgment  not  based  on  ex-parte 
information  only.  I  feel  deeply  impressed  with  the 
danger  of  delay,  and  with  the  urgent  need  of  imme- 
diate action  being  taken  if  any  further  attempts  are 
to  be  made  to  secure  a  peaceful  solution.  Once 
again  I  tender  my  best  services  toward  the  attain- 
ment of  that  object,  but  I  fear  that  these  will  proba- 
bly be  useless  and  unavailing  if  not  accompanied  or 
preceded  by  the  assurance  requested  in  mine  of 
27th  ult. 

XV. 

From  High  Commissioner,  Cape  Town,  to  His  Honor 
the  State  President,  Bloemfontein  : 

4th  Oct. — 'No.  2. — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowl- 
edge Your  Honor's  long  telegram  of  yesterday  after- 
noon, the  substance  of  which  I  have  communicated  by 
wire  to  H.  M.  's  Government.  There  is,  I  think,  a  con- 
clusive reply  to  Your  Honor's  accusations  against  the 
policy  of  H.  M.  's  Government ;  but  no  good  purpose 
could  be  served  by  recrimination.  The  present  posi- 
tion is  that  burgher  forces  are  assembled  in  vcry 
large  numbers  in  immediate  proximity  to  the  fron- 
tiers of  Natal,  while  the  British  troops  occupy  certain 
defensive  positions  well  within  those  borders.     The 


220  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

question  is  whether  the  burgher  forces  will  invade 
British  territory,  thus  closing  the  door  to  any  possi- 
bility of  a  pacific  solution.  I  cannot  believe  that 
the  S.  A.  Republic  will  take  such  aggressive  action, 
or  that  Your  Honor  would  countenance  such  a  course, 
which  there  is  nothing  to  justify.  Prolonged  nego- 
tiations have  hitherto  failed  to  bring  about  a  satis- 
factory understanding,  and  no  doubt  such  under- 
standing is  more  difficult  than  ever  to-day  after 
expulsion  of  British  subjects  with  great  loss  and 
suffering.  But  till  the  threatened  act  of  aggression 
is  committed  I  shall  not  despair  of  peace,  and  I  feel 
sure  that  any  reasonable  proposal,  from  whatever 
quarter  proceeding,  would  be  favorably  considered 
by  H.  M. 's  Government,  if  it  offered  an  immediate 
termination  of  the  present  tension  and  prospect  of 
permanent  tranquillity. 

XVI. 

From   State  President,  Bloeinfontein,  to   His  Excel- 
lency the  High  Commissioner,  Cape  Town  : 

5th  Oct. — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  Your  Excellency's  telegram  No.  2,  of  yes- 
terday evening.  I  note  with  pleasure  that  Your  Ex- 
cellency does  not  despair  of  peace,  and  that  you  feel 
sure  that  any  reasonable  proposal,  from  whatever 
quarter  proceeding,  would  be  favorably  considered 
by  H.  M.  Government,  if  it  offered  an  immediate  ter- 
mination of  the  present  tension  and  a  prospect  of 
permanent  tranquillity.  I  see  no  reason  why  such 
proposals  should  not  be  forthcoming,  and  I  myself 
am  prepared  actively  to  assist  to  bring  about  the  in- 
dicated and  desirable  result.     I  must,  however,  point 


OFFICIAL    DESPATCHE  22  1 

out  that  it  seems  to  me  it  would  be  most  difficult  to 
attempt  to  make  friendly  proposals  or  continue  to 
negotiate  while  the  armed  forces  on  both  sides  re- 
main in  menacing  positions  now  occupied  by  them, 
but  above  all  do  I  consider  it  would  not  be  practica- 
ble to  induce  the  Government  of  the  S.  A.  Republic 
to  make  or  entertain  proposals  or  suggestions,  unless 
not  only  the  troops  menacing  their  State  are  with- 
drawn further  from  their  border,  but  an  assurance 
be  given  by  H.  M.  Government  that  all  further  de- 
spatch and  increase  of  troops  will  at  once,  and  dur- 
ing negotiations,  be  stopped,  and  that  those  now  on 
the  water  should  either  not  be  landed  or,  at  least, 
shoidd  remain  as  far  removed  as  can  be  from  the 
scene  of  possible  hostilities.  I  trust  Your  Excel- 
lency will  agree  with  me  that  these  suggestions  are 
only  reasonable,  as  it  would  be  manifestly  unfair 
should  further  negotiations  prove  abortive — a  result 
which  I  would  earnestly  endeavor  to  prevent  and 
which  I  trust  need  not  be  anticipated — that  the 
forces  of  the  S.  A.  Republic  should  be  in  a  worse 
position  or  at  a  greater  disadvantage  than  they  are 
at  present.  I  must  urge  upon  Your  Excellency  the 
urgent  necessity  of  intimating  to  me  without  delay 
whether  Your  Excellency  sees  your  way  clear  to 
give  effect  to  these  my  views  and  wishes,  and  if  so, 
I  would  be  prepared  to  take  steps  at  once  and  try 
and  obtain  any  needful  assurance  to  safeguard 
against  any  act  of  invasion  of  or  hostility  against  any 
portion  of  H.  M.  Colonies  or  territories  pending 
negotiations.  If  these  preliminary  but  absolutely 
essential  matters  can  be  regulated  between  this  and 
to-morrow,  I  would  be  further  prepared  to  aid,  if 
possible,  in  formulating  and   heartily  to   assist  in 


222  THE    STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

dealing  with  and  supporting  any  reasonable  pro- 
posals which  shall  possess  the  element  of  finality  and 
give  the  assurance  of  immediate  and  lasting  peace. 
A  reply  to  the  request  made  in  the  very  last  part  of 
my  telegraphic  despatch  to  Your  Excellency  of  27th 
ultimo  would  enable  me  to  judge  in  how  far  it  would 
be  possible  for  me  to  support  the  requests  or  require- 
ments of  H.  M.  Government  in  reopening  negotia- 
tions with  the  Transvaal. 

In  regard  to  another  point,  touched  upon  by  your 
Excellency  in  your  telegram  under  reply,  I  have  no 
information  before  me  from  which  I  can  infer  that 
H.  M.  subjects  have  been  expelled  with  great  loss 
and  suffering  from  the  S.  A.  Republic.  The  report, 
no  doubt,  has  its  origin,  like  many  others,  in  the  ex- 
aggerated statements  of  persons  leaving  that  coun- 
try in  a  panic. 

XVII. 

From  High  Commissioner,  Cape  Town,  to  State  Presi- 
dent, Bloemfontein  : 

6th  Oct. — With  reference  to  Your  Honor's  tele- 
gram of  yesterday,  I  must  demur  to  Your  Honor's 
statement  that  British  troopf  are  in  menacing  posi- 
tions. I  regret  that  Your  Honor  should  suggest  as 
a  condition  precedent  to  further  negotiations  an  as- 
surance from  H.  M.  's  Government  hampering  their 
freedom  of  action  with  regard  to  the  disposition  of 
British  troops  for  defensive  purposes  in  British  ter- 
ritory. Such  an  assurance  it  is  impossible  for  me  to 
ask  H.  M.'s  Government  to  give.  If  on  the  other 
hand  Your  Honor  can  obtain  an  assurance  that, 
pending  negotiations,  no  act  of  hostility  will  be  com- 


OFFICIAL   DESPATCHES.  223 

mitted  against  any  of  H.  M.  's  possessions,  I  am  pre- 
pared to  advise  II.  M.'s  Government  to  give  an  as- 
surance to  the  like  effect. 

XVIII. 

Froi)i  State  President,  Bloemfontein)   to  High   Co)>i- 
missioner,  Cape  '/'oxen  ; 

6th  Oct. — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  re- 
ceipt of  Your  Excellency's  telegram  of  to-day.  I  am 
earnestly  desirous  of  meeting  any  reasonable  sugges- 
tion that  may  tend  to  a  continuance  of  friendly  nego- 
tiations and  to  avert  an  issue  for  which,  as  I  have 
frequently  stated,  I  see  no  justification  whatever.  I 
trust  that  Your  Excellency  will,  on  reconsideration, 
see  that  the  Government  of  the  S.  A.  Republic,  in 
only  taking  proper  precautions  for  the  future,  might 
fairly  decline,  and  I  do  not  feel  I  could  be  expected 
to  ask  them  to  continue  negotiations  in  the  face  of 
the  fact  that  from  all  sides  of  H.  M.'s  Dominions 
troops  are  being  poured  into  South  Africa  with  the 
avowed  object  of  coercing  the  S.  A.  Republic  into 
accepting  whatever  terms  H.  M.  's  Government  might 
decide  to  impose.  I  have  no  doubt  in  so  far  as  II. 
M.'s  troops  are  intended  for  the  defence  of  H.  M.'s 
possessions  the  same  purpose,  viz.,  fully  safeguard- 
ing those  possessions  from  invasion  and  subjects 
from  molestation,  could  be  effected.  I  would  be 
willing  to  assist  in  its  being  effected  without  one  side 
finding  itself  put  at  a  great  disadvantage  during  and 
because  of  further  negotiations.  The  assurance 
asked  for  by  Your  Excellency  could,  I  have  no 
doubt,  be  obtained  and  satisfactorily  arranged ;  but 
the  point  that  I  think  it  fair  to  urge  is  that  it  would 


224  THE   STORY   OV    THE   BOERS. 

be  taken  by  the  S.  A.  Republic  as  virtually  amount- 
ing to  an  act  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  Her  Maj- 
esty's Government  to  be  continuously  and  exten- 
sively increasing-  its  forces  during  negotiation  when 
all  need  for  defensive  measures  can,  as  I  firmly  be- 
lieve, be  fully  obviated  without  such  increase. 

XIX. 

From  High  Commissioner,  Cape  Town,  to  State  Presi- 
dent, Bloemfontcin  : 

7th  Oct.— With  reference  to  Your  Honor's  tele- 
gram of  Sept.  27th,  I  am  instructed  by  H.  M.'s  Gov- 
ernment to  inform  Your  Honor  that  H.  M.  's  Govern- 
ment have  repeatedly  explained  their  views  on  the 
questions  at  issue  between  them  and  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  S.  A.  Republic,  and  especially  in  the 
note  addressed  to  that  Government,  on  September 
1 2th.  Her  Majesty's  Government  do  not  think  their 
position  open  to  misunderstanding,  but  if  Your 
Honor  desires  the  elucidation  of  any  specific  point 
in  their  proposals,  H.  M.  's  Government  are  prepared 
to  give  it. 

As  regards  their  military  preparations,  these 
have  been  necessitated  by  the  action  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  S.  A.  Republic,  in  converting  that 
country  into  an  armed  camp.  In  view  of  the  rejec- 
tion of  their  last  proposals  by  the  Government  of  the 
S.  A.  Republic,  H.  M.'s  Government  are  reconsid- 
ering the  situation,  having  regard  to  the  grave  fact 
that  both  Republics  have  now  placed  themselves  on 
a  war  footing.  While  intending  shortly  to  put  for- 
ward new  proposals  of  their  own,  H.  M.  's  Govern- 
ment would  even  now  be  prepared  to  consider  any 


OFFICIAL    DESPATCHES. 

definite  suggestion  from  Your  Honoi   for  the  termi- 
nation of  the  present  crisis,  providi  d  it  was  n 
consistent  with   tl  e  atte:  ts  avowed 

and  pursued  by  them. 

The   above   was   received    '  Honor's 

telegram  of  yesterday  afternoon,  to  which  I  will  re- 
ply immediately. 

XX. 

From  High  Commissioner^  Cape  Town,  to  State  Presi- 
dent, Bloemfontein ; 

7th  October.  — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge 
Your  Honor's  telegram  of  yesterday  afternoon. 
With  every  desire  to  relieve  the  strain  of  the  present 
situation,  I  cannot  go  beyond  the  suggestions  made 
by  me  in  my  telegram  of  yesterday  morning.  I 
have  no  right  to  attempt  to  influence  Your  Honor  as 
to  what  advice  it  would  be  reasonable  for  you  to  give 
to  the  Government  of  the  South  African  Republic, 
having  regard  to  the  impending  increase  of  Her  Maj- 
esty's forces  in  South  Africa.  My  object,  in  all  the 
communications  which  have  passed  between  us  since 
Your  Honor's  telegram  of  2d  October,  has  been  to 
leave  nothing  undone  which  could  prevent  action  on 
the  part  of  the  South  African  Republic  calculated  to 
make  a  pacific  solution  finally  impossible.  Bu  I 
cannot,  even  with  that  object  ask  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment to  pledge  themselves  either  with  regard  to 
the  disposition  of  troops  within  British  territory  in 
South  Africa  or  to  their  despatch  thither  from  other 
parts  of  the  Empire. 
l5 


THE  BOER  GOVERNMENT'S  REPLY  TO 
MR.  CHAMBERLAIN. 

26th  September,  1899. 

Sir:  The  Government  of  the  South  African  Re- 
public has  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
a  copy  of  a  certain  despatch  dated  10th  May,  1899, 
addressed  to  His  Excellency  the  High  Commissioner 
by  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  petition  sent  to  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  21,684  signatures  appear 
on  this  petition,  and  are  said  to  have  been  affixed 
thereto  by  an  equivalent  number  of  British  subjects 
resident  at  Johannesburg,  in  this  Republic. 

This  Government  notes  that  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment have  thought  fit,  on  the  grounds  of  the  in- 
formation already  in  their  possession,  to  make  in- 
vestigation into  the  subject-matter  of  the  aforesaid 
petition,  and,  as  a  result  of  such  investigation,  to  ex- 
press to  this  Government  their  views  on  the  admin- 
istration of  the  internal  affairs  of  this  Republic, 
which  said  views  they  have  at  the  same  time  com- 
municated to  the  memorialists  as  an  answer  to  their 
petition. 

This  Government  may  be  permitted  to  point  out 
that  the  Convention  of  London  of  1884,  entered  into 
between  this  Republic  and  the  Government  of  Her 
Britannic  Majesty,  guarantees  to  the  South  African 
Republic  full  and  free  internal  administration  with- 


REPLY   TO   MR.   CHAMBERLAIN.  227 

out  any  interference  from  any  one  whatever.  As 
Lord  Derby  notifies  in  his  despatch  of  the  15th  Feb- 
ruary, 1884  : 

"Your  Government  will  be  left  free  to  govern  the 
country  without  interference,  and  to  conduct  its 
diplomatic  intercourse,  and  shape  its  foreign  policy, 
subject  only  to  the  requirements  embodied  in  the 
fourth  article  of  the  new  draft — that  any  treaty  with 
a  foreign  State  shall  not  have  effect  without  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Queen." 

In  his  despatch  of  the  4th  February,  1896,  the 
Colonial  Secretary,  Mr.  Chamberlain,  states: 

"  In  the  next  place,  it  is  necessary  that  I  should 
state  clearly  and  unequivocally  what  is  the  position 
which  Her  Majesty's  Government  claim  to  hold 
toward  the  Government  of  the  South  African  Re- 
public. Since  the  Convention  of  1S84,  Her  Maj- 
esty's Government  recognized  the  South  African 
Republic  as  a  free  and  independent  Government  as 
regards  all  its  internal  affairs  not  touched  by  the 
Convention." 

In  a  telegram,  also  from  Mr.  Chamberlain,  dated 
26th  March,  1896,  the  same  statement  is  substantially 
made,  viz.  :  "  Her  Majesty's  Government  do  not 
claim  any  rights  under  the  Conventions  to  prescribe 
particular  internal  reforms  which  should  be  made  in 
South  African  Republic." 

This  Government  has  always  felt  it  a  solemn  duty 
for  the  Republic  to  adhere  strictly  to  the  Conven- 
tion of  1884  in  its  entirety;  at  the  same  time,  it  has 
been  consistent  in  protesting  in  the  most  forcible 
manner  against  any  interference  or  intermeddling 
with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Republic,  and  against 
the  discussion  or  treatment  of  these  affairs  with  or 


228  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

by  any  other  than  the  Republic  itself ,  and  it  can  dis- 
cover no  reasons  now  which  would  either  justify  such 
interference  or  exempt  it  from  the  accusation  of  be- 
ing a  violation  of  the  Convention  of  London. 

This  Government  feels  convinced  that  Her  Majes- 
ty's Government  would  not  favorably  entertain  a  re- 
quest from  British  subjects  for  intervention  because 
the  said  British  subjects  are  unwilling  (as  was  agreed 
between  this  Republic  and  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment in  the  Convention  of  London)  to  conform  them- 
selves to  the  laws  of  the  land  and  to  respect  the  legal 
institutions  and  customs  of  the  South  African  Re- 
public, and  because  they  feel  aggrieved  that  the  laws 
are  not  altered  in  accordance  with  their  demands. 

The  friendly  relations  so  highly  prized  by  this  Gov- 
ernment which  have  existed  between  this  Republic 
and  the  United  Kingdom,  the  other  party  to  the 
Convention  of  London,  have  always  been  a  safe 
guarantee  to  this  Government  against  such  a  breach 
of  the  Convention  on  the  part  of  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment, and  it  greatly  deplores  the  fact  that  Her 
Majesty's  Government  has  now  decided  to  act  in  con- 
flict with  the  Convention  of  London  by  busying  itself 
with  the  imaginary  grievances  of  the  Uitlanders,  and 
making  representations  there  anent  to  this  Govern- 
ment. Against  such  action  this  Government  feels 
that  it  must  earnestly  and  emphatically  protest,  and 
the  Right  Hon.  Mr.  Chamberlain  could  not  take  it 
amiss  if  this  Government  were  to  pay  no  further  at- 
tention to  the  charges  against  its  administration  con- 
tained in  the  petition,  or  if  they  declined  to  discuss 
further  the  views  of  Her  Majesty's  Government 
about  these  charges. 

This  Government  has,  however,  on  more  than  one 


REPLY   TO    MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.         229 

occasion,  notified  to  Her  Majesty's  Government  that 

it  will  attach  great  value  to   .'  ons  which 

may  be  tendered  in  the  interests  of  Bi  itish  subjects, 
and  it  will  certainly  lend  a  very  willing  ear  to  any 

friendly  advice  or  hints  which  may  be  given  by  Her 
Majesty's  Government  as  being  the  representative 
of  a  Power  which,  with  this  Republic  and  the  Orange 
Free  State,  protects  and  fosters  the  paramount  in- 
terests of  South  Africa. 

His  Honor  the  State  President  was  animated  by 
these  sentiments  when  he  accepted  the  courteous 
invitation  of  Plis  Honor  President  Steyn  to  proceed 
to  Bloemfontein  in  order  to  confer  with  Your  Ex- 
cellency about  matters  which  are  an  equal  source 
of  interest  to  this  Republic  and  Her  Majesty's 
Government.  These  friendly  sentiments  now 
prompt  it  to  take  the  liberty  of  drawing  serious  at- 
tention to  the  fact  that  Her  Majesty's  Government 
certainly  appear  to  be  supplied  with  insufficient  and 
incorrect  data  about  facts  and  occurrences  from 
which  erroneous  ideas  and  conclusions  are  drawn,  so 
that,  although  desirous  of  avoiding  subjects  the  dis- 
cussion of  which  would  be  contrary  to  the  Conven- 
tion, this  Government  nevertheless  feels  that  it  ought 
to  convey  to  Her  Majesty's  Government  the  true 
position  of  affairs,  and  that  it  ought  to  point  out  how 
the  latter  is  misled,  the  condition  of  affairs  as  d 
picted  in  the  despatch  under  reply  being  in  all  respects 
exaggerated,  and  in  many  instances  entirely  untrue. 

In  the  first  place,  this  Government  wishes  to  point 
out  that,  so  far  from  the  petition  which  gave  rise  to 
the  despatch  under  reply  having  been  signed  by  21,- 
6S4  British  subjects,  it  appears  indeed  that  it  was 
signed  by  very  few  people  in  the  South  African  Re- 


230  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

public — leaving  aside  all  mention  of  British  subjects. 
This  has  been  substantiated  in  many  cases  by  sworn 
declarations,  many  of  which  were  handed  to  His  Ex- 
cellency the  High  Commissioner  during  the  Confer- 
ence at  Bloemfontein,  and  this  Government  feels 
that  it  may  flatter  itself  that  the  British  Government, 
after  having  examined  these  documents,  will  share 
with  this  Government  the  view  that  this  memorial 
is  in  itself  a  matter  of  very  slight  importance,  even 
although  it  may  contain  the  signatures  of  a  certain 
number  of  British  subjects  who  hold  the  opinion  that 
they  are  entitled  to  a  change  in  the  form  of  Govern- 
ment because,  in  violation  of  the  Convention  entered 
into  between  this  Republic  and  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment, they  will  not  conform  themselves  to  the 
laws  of  the  land,  but  claim  alterations  therein  at 
their  own  caprice. 

This  Government  is  all  the  more  convinced  that 
this  memorial  is  of  no  great  moment,  and  that  it  cer- 
tainly does  not  express  the  feelings  of  all  the  so- 
called  Uitlanders,  because  another  memorial  has 
been  received  by  it  from  about  23,000  inhabitants 
of  this  Republic,  nearly  all  Uitlanders,  and.  among 
whom  are  several  British  subjects.  The  High  Com- 
missioner was  informed  that  the  signatures  to  this 
memorial  were  obtained  in  a  perfectly  bona  fide  way, 
and  this  information  was  supported  by  sworn  affi- 
davits. The  purport  of  this  memorial  bore  evidence 
to  the  fact  that  the  thousands  of  Uitlanders  who 
signed  it  were  satisfied  with  the  administration  and 
the  Government  of  this  Republic,  and  did  not  share 
the  views  of  the  memorialists  to  Her  Britannic  Maj- 
esty in  respect  of  what  the  latter  considered  to  be 
legitimate  grievances. 


REPLY    TO   MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.  231 

This  Government  may  further  be  permitted  to 
point  out  that  although  the  CJitlander  population 
may  have  co-operated  in  effecting  an  increase  in  the 
revenues  of  the  State,  principally,  as  His  Excellency 
has  been  informed,  in  custom  dues,  prospecting 
licenses,  railway  receipts,  etc.,  so  that  the  revenue 
in  1898  amounted  to  ,  5,360,  the  fact  must  not 

be  lost  sight  of,  on  the  other  hand,  that  gold  to  the 
value  of  £20,000,000  was  exported  from  the  State 
during  the  same  year  1898,  almost  entirely  by  the 
Uitlanders. 

At  the  same  time,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  al- 
though the  chief  item  in  custom  dues  is  collected  on 
goods  which  are  imported  at  Johannesburg,  yet 
these  goods  are  not  entirely  used  or  consumed  by 
the  Uitlanders,  for  a  considerable  quantity  is  sent 
over  the  whole  Republic  by  the  wholesale  merchants 
to  the  retail  dealers  who  do  business  with  the  burgrh- 
ers  in  the  villages  and  the  country,  so  that  much 
of  what  is  imported  into  Johannesburg  is  destined 
for  consumption  by  the  original  burgher  of  the 
Republic. 

With  regard  to  the  contention  that  the  mining  in- 
dustry is  more  heavily  taxed  than  in  any  other  coun- 
try, and  that  the  cost  of  the  necessaries  of  life  is 
higher,  this  Government  desires  to  remark  that  this 
contention  is  entirely  contradicted  by  facts  and  sta- 
tistics. The  value  of  goods  imported  into  the  South 
African  Republic  during  1898  amounted  to  £9,996,- 
575,  and  the  custom  duties  levied  thereon  to  £1,058,- 
224,  or  1 0.6  per  cent.  Under  the  Customs  Union 
of  the  adjacent  British  Colonies  the  import  duties 
amounted  to  15  per  cent,  of  the  value  of  the  goods, 
a  comparison  which  yields  a  difference  of  nearly  50 


232  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

per  cent,  in  favor  of  the  Republic.  When  the  mat- 
ter is  examined  in  detail,  the  case  is  even  stronger. 
In  the  Colonies  certain  articles,  such  as  breadstuffs, 
are  subject  to  a  special  duty  of  2s.,  say  about  30  per 
cent,  of  the  value,  in  corn,  and  40  per  cent,  in  meal. 
In  this  Republic  the  duty  on  both  the  foregoing  ar- 
ticles is  i\  per  cent.  ;  butter  is  especially  taxed  at 
3d.  per  pound,  or  30  per  cent.,  under  the  Customs 
Union,  while  in  the  Republic  it  is  subject  only  to  the 
7^  ad  valorem  duty.  Coffee  and  other  necessaries  of 
life,  on  being  compared,  would  show  a  similar  differ- 
ence, and  this  Government  therefore  trusts  that  Her 
Majesty's  Government  will  exonerate  it  when  it 
points  out  the  incorrectness  and  unreliability  of  the 
information  supplied  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  on 
which  he  bases  his  conclusion  that  the  cost  of  living 
is  unusually  high  in  consequence  of  the  taxation 
levied  by  the  State ;  that  such  is  not  the  case  will  be 
at  once  shown  by  a  comparison  with  the  taxation  of 
the  neighboring  Colonies. 

The  character  of  the  financial  administration  must 
have  been  erroneously  represented  to  Her  Majesty's 
Government  if  it  was  simply  stated  that  defalcations 
to  an  amount  of  ^18,590  had  taken  place.  It  would 
ex  facie  appear  from  such  a  statement  that  the  above 
defalcations  had  taken  place  during  the  past  year; 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Inspection  Department, 
which  has  only  recently  been  called  into  existence, 
reported  over  financial  matters  covering  the  years 
1884  to  1896. 

It  is  unfair  to  characterize  all  deficiencies  as  defal- 
cations, for  from  the  nature  of  the  case  a  deficiency 
does  not  always  constitute  a  defalcation.  The  report 
specified  the  subdivisions  of  moneys  which  had  yet 


REPLY    TO    MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.         233 

to  be  accounted  for.  The  first  item  in  such  deficien- 
cies amounted  originally  to  ,£12,000,  and  of  this 
^6,ooowas  afterward  collected,  and  the  balance  was 

only  brought  forward;  another  item  of  £10,808  1  is. 
was  brought  forward  in  its  entirety,  but  X3>°°°  °f 
this  was  eventually  collected  and  accounted  for, 
while  continual  efforts  were  made  to  secure  the  bal- 
ance. Many  items  not  brought  forward  were  col- 
lected long-  before  and  accounted  for,  while  during 
the  inspection  of  last  year  it  was  found  that  a  sum  of 
.£800  yet  remained  to  be  paid  in  out  of  the  deficien- 
cies, which  balance  has  been  accounted  for. 

The  contention  that  advances  to  officials  amount- 
ing to  £2,398,506  16s.  8d.  have  remained  unac- 
counted for  is  also  absolutely  incorrect ;  and  the  en- 
deavor to  pass  this  circumstance  off  as  constituting 
defalcations  on  the  part  of  officials  bears  ample  wit- 
ness to  the  strong  desire  to  mislead  which  has  actu- 
ated the  informants  of  Her  Majesty's  Government. 

Any  person  who  is  even  superficially  acquainted 
with  financial  administration  will  readily  admit  that 
this  is  due  to  a  system  of  accounting  which  was  fol- 
lowed until  recently  by  Her  Majesty's  Government, 
and  which  obtains  in  some  British  Colonies,  in  Natal, 
for  instance,  at  the  present  moment. 

This  system  may  deserve  condemnation;  it  does 
not,  however,  necessarily  follow  that  because  the  ad- 
vances may  not  be  speedily  accounted  for  they  have 
been  embezzled,  and  it  does  not  appear  either  from 
the  report  of  the  Inspector  of  Offices,  or  from  the 
debates  of  the  Volksraad,  that  such  accusations  were 
made.  But  in  addition  to  this  a  sum  of  at  least 
^1,968,306  is  included  in  the  aforesaid  total  of 
,£2>398>5°6   16s.  Sd.  (but  which  is  not  comprised  in 


234  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

the  customary  advances),  such  as  Orphan  Chamber 
£80,000,  Indigent  Burghers  ,£150,000,  Postal  Orders 
£60,000,  various  loans  to  School  Committees,  Sani- 
tary Boards,  and  for  Waterworks,  Hospitals,  Com- 
mittees, moneys  placed  at  interest  in  Europe,  pro- 
visional loans  to  Railway  Companies,  purchases  of 
food-stuffs  and  mules  in  time  of  famine,  and  many 
others. 

Items,  too,  of  considerable  importance  appear  in 
the  advances,  although  they  have  really  been  ac- 
counted for  up  to  within  a  pound  or  two,  because 
for  one  reason  or  another  it  has  not  been  possible  to 
write  off  the  exact  total,  the  amount  still  to  be  ac- 
counted for  having  dwindled  to  a  very  insignificant 
figure. 

The  contention  that  during  1896  a  sum  of  £191,- 
837  was  paid  out  of  the  Secret  Service  Money  is  also 
absolutely  unfounded,  for  in  that  amount  a  sum  of 
£158,337  was  included  which  was  used  for  special 
Government  Works,  as  was  expressly  stated  in  a 
foot-note  on  page  44  of  the  Estimates  for  1897.  The 
Secret  Service  Fund  for  that  year  (1896)  did  not 
amount  to  more  than  £33,500.  This  faulty  infor- 
mation, supplied  to  Her  Majesty's  Government,  is 
apparently  taken  from  the  said  Estimates,  it  would 
seem  with  the  fixed  determination  to  ignore  the  ex- 
planatory foot-note  on  page  44. 

It  is  incorrect  to  state  that  the  system  of  granting 
concessions  remains  in  full  force.  Where  the  Right 
Hon.  the  Secretary  of  State  in  his  despatch  refers  to 
industrial  concessions,  this  Government  may  remark 
that  these  are  privileges  granted  in  order  to  stimu- 
late and  protect  local  industry,  and  the  contention 
that  these  concessions  will  develop  into   practical 


REPLY    TO    MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.         235 

monopolies  rted  by  any  evidence ;  results 

will  show  tl:  sading information  has  be  □      /en 

lie  re  as  well. 
With  regard  to  the  question  of  education  which 

has  been  dealt  with  in  the  despatch  of  the  Right 
Hon.  the  Colonial  Secretary,  this  Government  wishes 

to  point  out  that  the  amount  expended  on  education 
during  the  year  1898  was  ^226,219  4s.  8d.  In  the 
former  year  it  was  less.  Of  this  amount  ,£36,503 
17s.  2d.  was  devoted  to  Education  on  the  Gold  Fields 
(for  State  as  well  as  for  subsidized  schools).  As  the 
number  of  scholars  under  Act  15,  1896,  as  well  as 
that  of  the  teachers,  have  considerably  increased, 
the  amount  during  the  current  year  will  probably  be 
£,53,000.  The  conditions  on  which  this  money  is 
given  are  certainly  not  such  as  to  exclude  the  chil- 
dren of  Uitlanders  from  its  benefits.  According  to 
Volksraad  Resolution  of  1st  June,  1892  (and  amend- 
ments), schools  where  a  foreign  language  was  the 
medium  of  instruction  were  entitled  to  a  subsidy  of 
20s.  per  pupil  per  quarter  for  the  lower  standard, 
and  25s.  for  the  middle  standard,  provided  that  cer- 
tain requirements  as  to  knowledge  of  the  official  lan- 
guage of  the  country  were  complied  with.  These 
requirements  are  a  standard  lower  than  that  for 
children  of  burghers  in  the  country,  who  are  taught 
in  schools  governed  by  Law  No.  8  of  1S92. 

Few,  if  any,  Uitlanders  avail  themselves  of  this 
offer;  the  few  who  have  done  so  are  now  satisfied 
with  it,  and  continue  to  enjoy  the  privileges  of  the 
resolution,  although  it  was  only  renewed  in  1898  for 
those  schools  which  made  a  bona  fide  use  of  it.  Law 
No.  15,  1896,  made  provision  for  the  children  of  poor 
parents  and  strangers  on  the  proclaimed  gold  fields 


236  THE   STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

entirely  at  State  expense,  and  13  schools  have  been 
established  by  this  law — with  5 1  teachers  and  about 
1,500  scholars — at  Barberton,  Pilgrims'  Rest,  Kaap- 
sche  Hoop,  Johannesburg-  (5,  viz.,  1  in  von  Brandis 
Street,  1  at  Braamfontein,  1  at  Union  Ground,  1  at 
Vredesdorp,  and  1  in  Market  Street),  Maraisburg, 
Krugersdorp,  Randfontein,  Klerksdorp,  and  Nigel. 
In  addition  to  these,  preparations  are  being  made  for 
State  schools  at  the  City  and  Suburban,  Bertrams- 
township,  Johannesburg,  and  at  Roodepoort  (Kru- 
gersdorp) . 

Out  of  the  above-named  13  schools,  English  is  the 
medium  of  instruction  in  four,  and  of  the  remaining 
nine  English  is  the  medium  for  the  children  of  Eng- 
lish-speaking parents,  and  Dutch  for  those  of  Dutch- 
speaking  parents.  In  these  nine  schools  a  little 
more  time  is  devoted  to  learning  Dutch  in  each 
standard  than  was  the  case  in  the  former  standard, 
so  that  equality  in  both  languages  is  reached  at  the 
5th  standard. 

Altogether  there  are  27  Dutch  Afrikander  or  Hol- 
lander teachers,  and  24  teachers  of  English  origin  in 
these  13  schools.  The  Dutch  Afrikander  or  Hol- 
lander teachers  are  obliged  to  possess  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  English,  and  have  either  to  pass  an 
examination  or  produce  a  certificate  to  that  effect. 

The  object  of  the  system  of  education  in  this  Re- 
public is  to  insure  in  the  first  place  the  foundation 
of  general  knowledge.  Law  No.  8,  1892,  provides 
this  for  the  children  of  the  original  Boer  population 
in  their  mother  tongue,  in  which  the  necessary 
schoolbooks  must  be  written,  with  this  understand- 
ing, however,  that  in  the  3d  standard  three  hours, 
and  in  the  higher  ones  four  hours,  per  week  out  of 


REPLY   TO   MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.  237 

the  25  must  be  devoted  to  education  in  a  foreign  lan- 
guage. 

With  regard  to  the  schools  formed  under  the 
above-mentioned  Resolution,  teaching  is  carried  on 
through  the  medium  of  a  foreign  language,  but  at 
least  five  hours  per  week  must  be  devoted  to  the 
study  of  the  official  language  of  the  country. 

Of  the  13  schools  formed  under  Law  15  of  1896, 
the  children  of  strangers  are  instructed  in  their  own 
language,  while  the  number  of  hours  for  instruction 
in  and  by  means  of  Dutch  is  increased  in  each  stand- 
ard. 

According  to  a  Resolution  of  the  First  Volksraad, 
dated  the  8th  August,  1898,  Article  731,  a  certain 
number  of  the  School  Board  members  required  by 
Article  1  of  Law  15  of  1896  have  to  be  nominated  and 
chosen  by  the  Executive  Council  out  of  enfranchised 
persons  (Article  2,  Law  8,  1S93)  proposed  by  the 
fathers  of  the  school  children,  on  the  understanding 
that  the  persons  so  chosen  shall  constitute  less  than 
half  of  the  whole  School  Board,  and  further,  that 
the  persons  so  proposed  shall  always  be  double  the 
number  of  the  people  actually  nominated. 

The  above  facts  clearly  prove,  according  to  the 
opinion  of  this  Government,  that  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment has  also  been  misled  in  respect  to  the  mat- 
ter of  education.  It  is  clear  that  one-fourth  of  the 
whole  educational  vote  has  been  devoted  to  the  gold 
fields,  so  that  the  children  of  Uitlander  residents  can 
make  use  of  it ;  that  proper  provision  is  made  for 
education  in  the  mother  tongue  whatever  it  may  be, 
while  at  the  fame  time  compulsory  education  of  the 
language  of  the  country  is  also  provided  for.  That 
both  by  the  Resolution  of  the  1st  June,  1892,  as  well 


238  THE   STORY   OF   THE    BOERS. 

as  by  the  Law  15  of  1896,  more  has  actually  been 
done  for  the  Uitlanders  than  for  the  original  inhabit- 
ants, and  that  more  time  is  given  to  the  mother 
tongue  of  the  children  in  the  schools  on  the  gold 
fields  of  this  Republic  than  in  any  country  in  the 
world,  and  that  here  again  information  of  a  mislead- 
ing character  must  have  been  given  to  His  Excel- 
lency and  the  British  Government. 

Law  No.  15,  1896,  and  the  schools  thereby  estab- 
lished have  been  defended  by  Englishmen  in  various 
newspapers.  (See  the  S.  A.  Neivs,  10th  May,  1899; 
The  Star,  2 2d  March,  1899;  Manchester  Guardian, 
etc.). 

With  reference  to  the  Municipality  of  Johannes- 
burg, this  Government  desires  to  remark  that  in 
accordance  with  the  promise  made  in  1896,  the  grant 
of  Municipal  Administration  was  made  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  Johannesburg  by  which  the  control  of  that 
town  and  its  suburbs  was  conferred  upon  them. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  seem  to  think  that  this 
Municipality  does  not  answer  its  purpose,  in  the  first 
place  because  half  of  the  members  must  be  natural- 
ized burghers  (not  fully  enfranchised  burghers  as 
the  despatch  under  reply  erroneously  contends),  and 
in  the  second  place  because  the  financial  powers  of 
the  town  council  are  restricted. 

With  regard  to  the  first  objection,  it  is  impossible 
that  this  should  be  a  great  grievance,  because  a  resi- 
dence of  two  years  in  the  Republic  is  sufficient  for 
naturalization ;  as  a  matter  of  fact,  more  than  the 
necessary  half  of  the  members  are  burghers;  this 
shows  conclusively  that  the  requirement  of  burgher- 
ship  is  in  no  sense  an  obstacle.  The  objection  as  to 
the  restriction  of  the  financial  powers  of  the  council 


REPLY   TO   MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.         239 

is  not  conclusive,  because  there  is  no  Municipality 
in  the  world  the  financial  powers  of  which  are  not 
restricted  by  the  law  under  which  they  are  created, 
and  the  restrictions  in  the  case  of  the  town  council 
of  Johannesburg  are  the  usual  ones  in  such  cases. 

The  Advisory  Board  recommended  by  the  Indus- 
trial Commission  would  have  proved  inefficient  be- 
cause the  laws  with  the  administration  of  which  that 
body  would  have  had  to  concern  itself  can  be  carried 
out  in  a  better  and  more  efficient  way  by  an  official 
like  the  State  Attorney,  who  has  almost  unlimited 
power  and  means  of  doing  so.  This  is  exactly 
what  has  happened.  All  complaints  with  regard  to 
gold  thefts  have  actually  disappeared ;  one  no  longer 
hears  of  complaints  as  to  the  operation  of  the  pass 
law;  while  latterly,  as  Her  Majesty's  Government 
must  be  well  aware,  the  Chamber  of  Mines  and  other 
bodies  of  the  Witwatersrand  have  repeatedly  ex- 
pressed their  satisfaction  with  the  stringent  way  in 
which  the  liquor  law  has  been  upheld.  No  local 
body,  however  well  informed,  would  have  been  able 
to  do  what  the  State  Attorney  has  done  in  this  mat- 
ter, and  that  is  sufficient  justification  of  the  action 
of  both  Government  and  Volksraad  in  refusing  to  es- 
tablish such  an  Advisory  Board. 

The  Government  now  passes  on  to  the  discussion 
of  the  administration  of  justice,  of  which  so  much  is 
made  in  the  despatch  under  reply. 

With  regard  to  these  allegations,  this  Government 
perceives  that  much  importance  is  attached  in  the 
despatch  to  the  so-called  Lombard  incident,  the  so- 
called  Edgar  case,  and  the  so-called  Amphitheatre 
occurrence. 

A  brief   consideration  of   the  facts  referring  to 


240  THE    STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

these  three  matters  will  show  how  unfounded  are 
the  accusations  of  Her  Majesty's  Government. 

With  reference  to  the  Lombard  incident,  this  Gov- 
ernment wishes  to  point  out  that  no  complaint  was 
lodged  with  any  official  in  this  Republic  for  a  full 
month  after  the  ill-treatment  of  Cape  colored  people 
was  alleged  to  have  taken  place,  and  that  neither  the 
Government  nor  the  public  was  aware  that  anything 
had  taken  place.  The  whole  case  was  so  insignifi- 
cant that  some  of  the  people  who  were  alleged  to 
have  been  ill-treated  declared  under  oath  at  a  later 
period  before  a  court  of  investigation  that  they  would 
never  have  made  any  complaint  on  their  own  initia- 
tive.    What  happened,  however? 

About  a  month  after  the  occurrence  the  South 
African  League  came  to  hear  of  it ;  some  of  its  offi- 
cials sent  round  to  collect  evidence  from  the  parties 
who  were  alleged  to  have  been  ill-treated,  and  some 
sworn  declarations  were  obtained  by  the  help  of  Her 
Majesty's  Vice-Consul  of  Johannesburg  (between 
whom  and  this  League  a  continual  and  conspicuous 
co-operation  has  existed).  Even  then  no  charge  was 
lodged  against  the  implicated  officials  with  the  judi- 
cial authorities  of  the  country,  but  the  case  was  put 
in  the  hands  of  the  Acting  British  Agent  at  Pretoria. 

When  the  allegations  were  brought  under  the 
notice  of  this  Government,  they  at  once  appointed  a 
commission  of  inquiry  consisting  of  three  members, 
namely,  Landdrost  Van  der  Berg,  of  Johannesburg, 
Mr.  Andries  Stockenstrom,  barrister-at-law  of  the 
Middle  Temple,  head  of  the  Criminal  Section  of  the 
State  Attorney's  Department,  and  Mr.  Van  der 
Merwe,  mining  commissioner,  of  Johannesburg; 
gentlemen  against  whose  ability  and  impartiality 


REPLY   TO   MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.  241 

the  Uitlandcr  population  of  the  Republic  have  never 
harbored  the  slightest  suspicion,  and  with  whose  ap- 
pointment the  Acting  British  Agent  also  expressed 
his  entire  satisfaction.  The  instructions  given  to 
these  officials  were  to  thoroughly  investigate  the 
whole  case,  and  to  report  the  result  to  the  Govern- 
ment; and  they  fulfilled  these  instructions  bysitt; 
for  days  at  a  time,  and  carefully  hearing  and  sifting 
the  evidence  of  both  sides.  Every  right-minded  per- 
son readily  acknowledges  that  far  greater  weight 
ought  to  be  attached  to  the  finding  of  this  Commis- 
sion than  to  the  declarations  of  the  complainants, 
who  contradicted  one  another  in  nearly  every  par- 
ticular, and  who  caused  the  whole  inquiry  to  degen- 
erate into  a  farce. 

According  to  the  report,  nothing  was  proved  as  to 
the  so-called  ill-treatment;  the  special  instances  of 
alleged  ill-treatment  turned  out  to  be  purely  imagi- 
nary; it  was  clearly  proved  and  found  that  the  com- 
plainants had  acted  contrary  to  Law,  and  the  Com- 
mir.sion  only  expressed  disapproval  of  the  fact  that 
the  arrests  and  the  investigation  had  taken  place  at 
night,  and  without  a  proper  warrant.  It  fills  this 
Government  with  all  the  greater  regret  to  observe 
that  Her  Majesty's  Government  bases  its  charges  on 
1'. v  parte,  groundless,  and  in  many  respects  false  dec- 
larations of  complainants  who  have  been  set  in  mo- 
tion by  political  hatred,  and  that  it  silently  ignores 
the  report  of  the  Commission. 

The  Amphitheatre  occurrence  is  used  by  Her  Maj- 
esty's Government  to  show  how  incapable  the  police 
of  the  Witwatersrand  are  to  fulfil  their  duties  and 
to  preserve  order.  The  League  meeting  was  held 
at  the  so-called  Amphitheatre  at  Johannesburg,  with 
16 


242     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

the  knowledge  of  the  State  Secretary  and  State  At- 
torney, and  the  accusation  is  that,  in  spite  of  that 
fact,  the  uproar  which  arose  at  that  meeting  was  not 
quelled  by  the  police.  The  following  are  the  true 
facts :  Mr.  Wybergh  and  another,  both  in  the  service 
of  the  South  African  League,  informed  the  State 
Secretary  and  the  State  Attorney  that  they  intended 
to  call  this  meeting  in  the  Amphitheatre,  and  asked 
permission  to  do  so ;  they  were  informed  that  no  per- 
mission from  the  authorities  was  necessary,  and  that 
as  long  as  the  meeting  did  not  give  rise  to  irregulari- 
ties or  disturbances  of  the  peace,  they  would  be  act- 
ing entirely  within  their  rights.  Their  attention 
was  then  drawn  to  the  fact  that  owing  to  the  action 
and  the  propaganda  of  the  South  African  League, 
this  body  had  become  extremely  unpopular  with  a 
large  section  of  the  inhabitants  of  Johannesburg, 
and  that  in  all  probability  a  disturbance  of  the  peace 
would  take  place  if  a  sufficient  body  of  the  police 
were  not  present  to  preserve  order.  To  this  these 
gentlemen  answered  that  the  police  were  in  very  bad 
odor  since  the  Edgar  case,  that  the  meeting  would 
be  a  very  quiet  one,  and  that  the  presence  of  the 
police  would  contribute,  or  give  rise  to,  disorder, 
and  that  they  would  on  those  grounds  rather  have 
no  police  at  all.  The  State  Secretary  and  State  At- 
torney thereupon  communicated  with  the  head  offi- 
cials of  the  police  at  Johannesburg,  with  the  result 
that  the  latter  also  thought  that  it  would  be  better 
not  to  have  any  considerable  number  of  police  at  the 
meeting.  The  Government  accordingly,  on  the  ad- 
vice of  these  officials  of  the  League  as  well  as  their 
own  police  officials,  gave  instructions  that  the  police 
should  remain  away  from  the  meeting;  they  did  this 


REPLY   TO    MR.   CHAMBERLAIN.  243 

in  perfect  good  faith,  and  with  the  object  of  letting 
the  League  have  its  say  without  let  or  hindrance.  The 
proposed  meeting  was,  however,  advertised  far  and 
wide.  As  the  feeling  among  a  section  of  the  Wit- 
watersrand  population  was  exceedingly  bitter  against 
the  League,  a  considerable  number  of  the  opponents 
of  that  body  also  attended  the  meeting.  The  few 
police  who  were  present  were  powerless  to  quell  the 
disorder,  and  when  the  police  came  on  the  scene  in 
force  some  few  minutes  after  the  commencement  of 
the  uproar,  the  meeting  was  already  broken  up. 
Taken  by  itself,  this  occurrence  would  not  be  of 
much  importance,  as  it  is  an  isolated  instance  as  far 
as  the  gold  fields  of  this  Republic  are  concerned,  and 
even  in  the  best  organized  and  best  ordered  commu- 
nities irregularities  like  the  above  occasionally  take 
place. 

The  gravity  of  the  matter,  however,  lies  in  the  un- 
just accusation  of  Her  Majesty's  Government — that 
the  meeting  was  broken  up  by  officials  of  this  Re- 
public, and  that  the  Government  had  curtly  refused 
to  institute  an  inquiry. 

This  Government  would  not  have  refused  to  inves- 
tigate the  matter  if  any  complaints  had  been  lodged 
with  it,  or  at  any  of  the  local  Courts,  and  this  has 
been  clearly  stated  in  its  reply  to  Her  Majesty's  re- 
quest for  an  investigation. 

The  Government  objects  strongly  to  the  system- 
atic way  in  which  the  local  authorities  are  ignored, 
and  the  continual  complaints  which  arc  lodged  with 
the  Representatives  of  Her  Majesty  about  matters 
which  ought  to  be  decided  by  the  Courts  of  this  Re- 
public Instead,  however,  of  complaining  to  Her 
Majesty's   Government   after  all   other   reasonable 


244  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

means  of  redress  have  been  vainly  invoked,  they  con- 
tinually make  themselves  guilty  of  ignoring  and 
treating  with  contempt  the  local  Courts  and  authori- 
ties, by  continually  making  all  sorts  of  ridiculous 
and  ex  parte  complaints  to  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment in  the  first  instance;  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment is  also  thereby  placed  in  the  equivocal  and  un- 
desirable position  of  intermeddling  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  this  Republic,  which  is  in  conflict  with 
the  London  Convention.  Had  the  complaints  been 
lodged  with  this  Government,  or  with  the  proper 
officials  or  Courts,  the  facts  could  have  been  very 
easily  arrived  at,  and  it  would  have  been  proved 
that  the  few  officials  who  were  present  at  the  meet- 
ing as  a  section  of  the  public  had  done  their  best  to 
prevent  the  irregularities,  and  that  some  of  them 
had  been  hurt  in  their  endeavors  to  preserve  order. 

Instead  of  expressing  their  disapproval  of  sucn 
complaints,  and  referring  the  petitioners  to  the  local 
Courts,  Her  Majesty's  Government  accepts  those 
complaints,  and  gives  them  an  official  character  by 
forwarding  them  for  the  information  of  this  Govern- 
ment,  and  by  publishing  them  in  blue  books  for  the 
information  of  the  world. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  will  readily  acknowl- 
edge that  there  is  no  State  in  the  world  with  any 
sense  of  dignity,  however  weak  and  insignificant  it 
may  be,  which  can  regard  such  matters  with  an  in- 
different eye;  and  when  the  relations  of  the  two 
Governments  are  strained,  then  the  mainspring  must 
be  looked  for  in  this  action  of  its  subjects,  which  is 
not  disapproved  of  by  Her  Majesty's  Government, 
and  not  in  imaginary  or  trumped-up  grievances. 

The  Edgar  case  is  referred  to  by  your  Government 


REPLY   TO   MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.         245 

as  "the  most  Striking  recent  instance  of  arbitrary 
action  by  officials,  and  of  the  support  of  such  action 
by  the  Courts,"  and  this  case  is  quoted  as  a  conclu- 
sive test  of  the  alleged  judicial  maladministration  of 
this  Republic;  it  will  therefore  be  of  interest  to 
pause  for  a  moment  and  consider  it.  What  are  the 
true  facts? 

A  certain  Foster,  "an  Englishman,"  was  assaulted 
and  felled  to  the  ground,  without  any  lawful  cause, 
by  a  man  named  Edgar  during  the  night  of  the-  18th 
December,  1898;  he  lay  on  the  ground  as  if  dead, 
and  ultimately  died  in  the  hospital.  Edgar  escaped 
to  his  room,  and  some  police  came  on  the  scene,  at- 
tracted by  the  screams  of  the  bystanders.  Among 
the  police  was  one  named  Jones.  When  they  saw 
the  man  who  had  been  assaulted  lying'-  as  if  dead, 
they  went  to  Edgar's  apartments  in  order  to  arrest 
him  as  a  criminal  (he  had  indeed  rendered  himself 
liable  for  manslaughter,  and  apparently  for  murder). 
As  he  was  caught  in  the  ver  ,  the  police  officers 
were,  according  to  the  Laws  not  only  of  this  Repub- 
lic, but  of  all  South  Africa  and  of  the  United  King- 
dom of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  justified  in  break- 
ing open  the  door  in  order  to  arrest  the  culprit. 
While  doing  so,  Edgar,  with  a  dangerous  weapon, 
struck  Jones  a  severe  blow.  Under  the  stress  of 
necessity  the  latter  shot  Edgar,  from  the  effects  of 
which  he  died.  The  question  is  not  if  Jones  was 
justified  in  taking  this  extreme  step,  for  the  State 
Attorney  of  the  Republic  had  already  given  effect 
to  his  opinion  that  this  was  a  ease  for  the  jury  by 
prosecuting  him  for  man  iter.      The  question  is 

solely  whether  any  jury  in  any  country  in  the  world 
would  have  found  a  man  guilty  of  any  crime  under 


246  THE   STORY   OF   THE    BOERS. 

the  circumstances  set  forth,  and  whether,  if  they  did 
not  find  him  guilty,  the  fact  of  their  doing  so  would 
have  been  stamped  and  branded  as  a  flagrant  and 
remarkable  instance  of  the  maladministration  of  jus- 
tice. 

This  Government  is  convinced  that  the  English 
Judicial  administration  affords  numberless  instances 
where  the  facts  are  as  strong  as  in  this  case,  and  it 
cannot  see  why  an  occurrence  which  could  happen 
in  any  part  of  the  world  should  be  especially  thrown 
in  their  teeth  in  the  form  of  an  accusation. 

This  Government  does  not  wish  to  pass  over  in 
silence  the  censure  which  has  been  passed  by  Her 
Majest37's  Government  on  the  Public  Prosecutor  of 
Johannesburg,  by  whom  the  prosecution  of  this  case 
was  conducted ;  the  fact  that  he  is  of  pure  English 
blood,  that  he  received  his  legal  training  in  London, 
that  he  is  generally  respected  by  the  Uitlander  popu- 
lation on  account  of  his  ability,  impartiality,  and 
general  character,  will  naturally  not  be  of  any  weight 
with  Her  Majesty's  Government  against  the  facts  of 
his  action  in  calling  witnesses  for  the  prosecution 
who  were  intended  for  the  defence,  and  thus  render- 
ing an  imaginary  cross-examination  abortive. 

This  Government  only  wishes  to  point  out  that 
the  fact  that  the  Edgar  case  is  the  strongest  which 
Her  Majesty's  Government  has  been  able  to  quote 
against  the  administration  of  justice  in  this  Repub- 
lic affords  the  strongest  and  most  eloquent  proof  pos- 
sible that,  taking  it  in  general,  the  administration 
of  justice  on  the  gold  fields  of  this  Republic  not  only 
compares  favorably  with  that  on  other  and  similar 
gold  fields,  but  even  with  that  of  old  and  settled 
countries. 


REPLY  TO   MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.         247 

The  untrue  representations  of  this  occurrence  in 
the  Press  prove  conclusively  that  the  newspapers  of 
the  Witwatersrand,  the  atrocity-mongering  tactics 
of  which  constitute  a  share  of  the  organized  cam- 
paign against  the  Republic  and  its  Government,  have 
been  compelled  to  resort  to  mendacious  criticisms 
on  imaginary  instances  of  maladministration  which 
were  often  simply  invented.  Where  the  Press  is 
forced  to  adopt  such  methods,  the  true  grievances 
must  of  necessity  be  unreal. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  now  proceeds  to  dis- 
cuss certain  laws  of  this  Republic,  with  the  object  of 
showing  that  the  Uitlander  poplation  is  also  op- 
pressed by  the  legislature  of  this  country,  the  Press 
Laws,  the  Aliens  Expulsion  Law,  and  Law  No.  1  of 
1897  being  especially  instanced.  But  it  can  also  be 
proved  that  the  population  of  the  gold  fields  have  no 
solid  grounds  of  complaint  in  regard  to  the  laws  in 
question. 

Respecting  the  existing  Press  Laws,  No.  26  of 
1896,  and  No.  14  of  189S,  it  is  necessary  to  remark 
that  no  printer,  issuer,  or  editor  of  a  newspaper  can 
be  prosecuted  unless  he  has  made  himself  guilty  of 
criminal  libel,  so  that  the  principle  of  the  Grondwet 
of  1858  has  in  this  respect  been  rigidly  adhered  to. 
Her  Majesty's  Government  will  at  once  see  that  these 
laws  cannot  in  any  way  bear  harshly  upon  the  writ- 
ing public,  a  fact  which  is  clearly  borne  out  by  the 
way  in  which  the  newspapers  of  this  country  are 
edited.  Nowhere  else  in  the  world  has  the  liberty 
of  the  Press  so  degenerated  into  license.  No  news- 
paper in  any  country  in  the  world  would  for  one 
moment  dare  to  speak  of  the  Government,  the  Leg- 
islature, and  authorities  of  the  country  as  the  Star, 


248     THE  STORY  OF  THE  BOERS. 

the  Transvaal  Leader,  and  similar  newspapers  do 
every  day  in  this  Republic.  The  imaginary  nature 
of  these  grievances  is  not  dispelled  by  the  fact 
that  the  power  is  vested  in  the  State  President  of 
prohibiting  either  entirely  or  provisionally  the  cir- 
culation of  any  printed  matter  which  is  contrary  to 
good  morals  or  public  order,  because  the  very  same 
Supreme  Court,  which  in  the  opinion  of  Her  Maj- 
esty's Government  only  exists  at  the  mercy  of  this 
Government,  has  pronounced  that  it  has  no  power  to 
prohibit  the  circulation  of  any  newspaper;  the  free- 
dom of  the  regular  Press  thus  remains  as  unrestricted 
as  under  the  old  Grondwet. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  any  person  who  has  any  prac- 
tical experience  of  the  Press  of  this  Republic  will  re- 
gard the  accusation  as  ridiculous,  and  as  evincing  an 
entire  ignorance  of  the  true  facts.  This  power  has 
not  been  exercised  by  the  Judges  on  many  occasions, 
but  only  once,  and  in  that  instance  the  High  Court 
annulled  the  decision. 

With  regard  to  the  Aliens  Expulsion  Law,  this, 
like  the  Press  Law,  ought  to  be  estimated  according 
to  its  spirit  and  operation.  Since  this  law  has  come 
into  force  the  State  President  has  only  on  one  occa- 
sion made  use  of  the  power  vested  in  him  of  expel- 
ling an  undesirable  individual,  and  his  action  was 
indorsed  by  the  approval  of  the  Press  and  the  public 
of  the  country.  As  similar  laws  exist  in  nearly  every 
civilized  country  in  the  world,  it  is  difficult  to  see 
why  such  a  law  in  this  Republic  should  prove  so  ob- 
jectionable in  the  eyes  of  Her  Majesty's  Government. 

With  regard  to  Law  No.  i  of  1897,  and  the  dis- 
missal of  Chief  Justice  Kotze  by  virtue  of  its  provi- 
sions, this  Government  can  only  state  that  it  was  with 


REPLY   TO   MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.         249 

the  bitterest  regret  that  it  felt  itself  compelled,  in 
consequence  of  the  arbitrary  action  of  the  said  Chief 
Justice,  to  take  comprehensive  measures  in  order  to 
prevent  absolute  constitutional  and  judicial  disorder 
and  chaos.  It  was  an  instance  where  a  Chief  Jus- 
tice in  conflict  with  a  law  existing  for,  at  least,  forty 
years,  and  in  direct  contradiction  of  his  own  deci- 
sions, suddenly  adopted  and  applied  a  new  principle, 
which  affected  the  legality  of  the  laws  of  the  Repub- 
lic, and  produced  real  constitutional  chaos.  Would 
not  any  other  Government  under  similar  circum- 
stances have  done  exactly  what  this  Republic  did 
namely,  pass  a  special  law  in  this  unusual  case,  in 
order  to  remove  the  exceptional  difficulties? 

This  law  was  only  applicable  to  this  particular  in- 
stance, and  became  inoperative  immediately  after 
its  application;  and  this  Government  cannot  under- 
stand how  suspicion  can  therefore  fall  upon  the  im- 
partial administration  of  Justice  in  this  Republic.  If 
the  Government  had  acquiesced  in  the  position  taken 
up  by  the  late  Chief  Justice,  then  all  titles  dependent 
upon  Volksraad  resolutions  would  have  been  called 
in  question,  which  would  not  only  have  dealt  a  heavy 
blow  to  existing  rights,  but  also  have  plunged  the 
administration  of  Justice  in  great  uncertainty  and 
doubt. 

By  this  law  the  Judges,  instead  of  being  brought 
under  the  influence  of  the  Executive  Council,  were 
really  placed  in  the  same  constitutional  position  as 
any  Judge  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  England,  who 
unable  to  question  the  validity  of  any  law 

This  Government  has  now  traversed  the  various 
contentions  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  which 
have  been  submitted  in  order  to  prove  that  the  pol- 


250  THE    STORY    OF    THE    BOERS. 

icy  of  this  Government,  with  regard  to  the  Uitlander 
population  and  the  administration  of  the  laws, 
especially  on  the  gold  fields,  are  the  causes  of  the 
strained  relationship  at  present  existing  between  the 
two  Governments. 

This  Government  believes  that  this  explanation 
and  answer  will  clearly  show  that  these  causes  are  in 
no  way  sufficient  to  have  resulted  in  the  aforesaid 
tension.  It  is  of  opinion  that  the  source  of  evil  must 
be  sought  for  elsewhere,  and  it  trusts  that  Her  Maj- 
esty's Government  will  not  take  it  in  bad  part  if  it 
now  proceeds  to  explain  what  the  real  root  of  the 
evil  is  from  its  point  of  view ;  and  in  the  first  place 
it  remarks  as  a  very  noticeable  and  prominent  fact 
that  although  there  are  thousands  of  subjects  of  other 
Powers  in  Johannesburg,  there  are  few  complaints 
heard  from  them  or  from  their  Governments  about 
the  so-called  grievances  of  the  Uitlanders.  If  these 
grievances  existed  in  reality,  and  if  they  pressed 
equally  on  all  so-called  Uitlanders  (and  Her  Maj- 
esty's Government  does  not  contend  that  in  this  re- 
spect a  difference  is  made  between  British  subjects 
and  subjects  of  other  Powers),  how  does  it  happen 
that  the  complaints  always  come  from  British  sub- 
jects, and  that  the  subjects  of  other  Powers,  as  a 
rule,  express  their  sympathy  with  this  Government 
and  promise  it  their  support? 

But  this  Government  wishes  to  go  further.  Even 
in  regard  to  those  Uitlanders  who  are  British  sub- 
jects, it  is  a  small  minority  which,  under  the  pretext 
of  imaginary  grievances,  promotes  a  secret  propa- 
ganda of  race  hatred,  and  uses  the  Republic  as  a 
base  fcr  fomenting  a  revolutionary  movement  against 
this  Government.     Ministers  of  Her  Majesty  have  so 


REPLY   TO    MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.         251 

trenchantly  expressed  the  truth  about  this  minority 
that  this  Government  wishes  to  quote  the  very  words 
of  these    Ministers  with   the  ol)je>  bringing  the 

actual  truth  to  the  knowledge        HerMaji    ty'    ' 
ernment,  as  well  as  to  that  of  the  whole  world,  and 
not  for  the  purpose  of  making  groundless  accusa- 
tions. 

The  following  words  are  those  of  the  Ministers  of 
the  Cape  Colony,  who  are  well  acquainted  with  local 
conditions  and  fully  qualified  to  arrive  at  a  conclu- 
sion: 

"In  the  opinion  of  Ministers  the  persistent  aetion, 
both  beyond  and  within  this  Colony,  of  the  political 
body  styling  itself  the  South  African  League  in  en- 
deavoring to  foment  and  excite,  not  to  smooth  and 
alla)T,  ill-will  between  the  two  principal  European 
races  inhabiting  South  Africa  is  well  illustrated  by 
these  resolutions,  the  exaggerated  and  aggravated 
terms  of  which  disclose  the  spirit  which  informs  and 
inspires  them. 

"His  Excellency's  Ministers  are  one  in  their  ear- 
nest desire  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  aid  and  further 
a  policy  of  peaceful  progress  throughout  South 
Africa,  and  they  cannot  but  regard  it  as  an  unwise 
propagandism,  hostile  to  the  true  interests  of  the 
Empire,  including  this  Colony  as  an  integral  part, 
that  every  possible  occasion  should  be  seized  by  the 
League  and  its  promoters  for  an  attempt  to  magnify 
into  greater  events  minor  incidents  when  occurring 
in  the  South  African  Republic,  with  a  prospect 
thereby  of  making  racial  antagonism  more  acute,  or 
of  rendering  less  smooth  the  relations  between  Her 
Majesty's  Government  or  the  Government  of  this 
Colony  and  that  Republic." 


252  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

Race  hatred  is,  however,  not  so  intense  in  South 
Africa  as  to  enable  a  body  with  this  propaganda, 
aiming  at  revolutionary  objects,  to  obtain  much  in- 
fluence in  this  part  of  the  world ;  and  one  continu- 
ally asks  oneself  the  question — "  How  is  it  that  a 
body  so  insignificant,  both  in  regard  to  its  principles 
and  its  membership,  enjoys  such  a  large  measure  of 
influence?  "  The  answer  is  that  this  body  depends 
upon  the  protection  and  the  support  of  Her  Majesty's 
Government  in  England,  and  that  both  its  members 
and  its  organs  in  the  Press  openly  boast  of  the  influ- 
ence they  exercise  over  the  policy  of  Her  Majesty's 
Government.  This  Government  would  ignore  such 
assertions,  but  when  it  finds  that  the  ideas  and  the 
shibboleths  of  the  South  African  League  are  continu- 
ally echoed  in  the  speeches  of  members  of  H.  M. 
Government,  when  it  finds  that  blue  books  are  com- 
piled chiefly  from  documents  prepared  by  officials 
of  the  South  African  League,  as  well  as  from  reports 
and  leading  articles  containing  "  malignant  lies " 
taken  from  the  Press  organs  of  that  organization, 
thereby  receiving  an  official  character,  then  this  Gov- 
ernment can  well  understand  why  so  many  of  Her 
Majesty's  right-minded  subjects  in  this  part  of  the 
world  have  obtained  the  impression  that  the  policy 
advocated  by  the  South  African  League  is  supported 
by  Her  Majesty's  Government,  and  is  thus  calcu- 
lated to  contribute  to  the  welfare  and  blessing  of  the 
British  Empire. 

If  this  mistaken  impression  could  be  removed,  and 
if  it  could  be  announced  as  a  fact  that  the  South  Afri- 
can League,  as  far  as  its  actions  in  the  South  African 
Republic  are  concerned,  is  only  an  organization  hav- 
ing as  its  object  the  fomentation  of  strife  and  dis- 


REPLY   TO    MR.  CHAMBERLAIN.  253 

order  and  the  destruction  of  the  independence  of  the 
country,  then  it  would  very  soon  lose  its  intluen 
and  the  strained  relations  existing  between  the  two 
Governments  would  quickly  disappear.  The  Afri- 
kander population  of  this  country  would  not  then  be 
under  the  apprehension  that  the  interests  of  the 
British  Empire  imperatively  demand  that  the  I' 
public  should  be  done  away  with  and  its  people  be 
either  enslaved  ox  exterminated.  Both  sections  of 
the  white  inhabitants  of  South  Africa  would  then  re- 
turn to  the  fraternal  co-operation  and  fusion  which 
was  beginning-  to  manifest  itself  when  the  treacher- 
ous conspiracy  at  the  end  of  1895  awakened  the  pas- 
sions on  both  sides. 


SAND    RIVER    CONVENTION    OF   1852. 

1.  The  Assistant  Commissioners  guarantee,  in  the 

fullest  manner,  on  the  part  of  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, to  the  Emigrant  Farmers  beyond  the 
Vaal  River,  the  right  to  manage  their  own 
affairs  and  to  govern  themselves  according  to 
their  own  laws,  without  any  interference  on  the 
part  of  the  British  Government;  and  that  no  en- 
croachment shall  be  made  by  the  said  Govern- 
ment on  the  territory  beyond,  to  the  north  of  the 
Vaal  River ;  with  the  further  assurance  that  the 
warmest  wish  of  the  British  Government  is  to 
promote  peace,  free  trade,  and  friendly  inter- 
course with  the  Emigrant  Farmers  now  inhabit- 
ing, or  who  hereafter  may  inhabit,  that  country ; 
it  being  understood  that  this  system  of  non-in- 
terference is  binding  upon  both  parties. 

2.  Should  any  misunderstanding  hereafter  arise  as 

to  the  true  meaning  of  the  words  "  the  Vaal 
River,"  this  question,  in  so  far  as  regards  the 
line  from  the  source  of  that  river  over  the  Drak- 
ensberg,  shall  be  settled  and  adjusted  by  com- 
missioners chosen  by  both  parties. 

3.  Her  Majesty's  Assistant  Commissioners  hereby 

disclaim  all  alliances  whatever  and  with  whomso- 
ever of  the  colored  nations  to  the  north  of  the 
Vaal  River. 

4.  It  is  agreed  that  no  slavery  is  or  shall  be  per- 

mitted or  practised  in  the  country  to  the  north 
of  the  Vaal  River  by  the  Emigrant  Farmers. 


SAND    RIVER   CONVENTION   OF    1852.     255 

5.  Mutual  facilities  and  liberty  shall  be  afforded  to 

traders  and  travellers  on  both  sides  of  the  Vaal 
River;  it  being  understood  that  every  wagon 
containing  ammunition  and  firearms,  coming 
from  the  south  side  of  th<  River,  shall  pro- 

duce a  certificate  signed  by  a  British  Magistrate 
or  other  functionary  duly  authorized  to  grant 
such;  and  which  shall  state  the  quantities  of 
such  articles  contained  in  tid  wagon,  to  the 
nearest  Magistrate  north  of  the  Vaal  River,  who 
shall  act  in  the  case  as  the  regulations  of  the 
Emigrant  Farmers  direct. 

6.  It  is  agreed  that  no  objection  shall  be  made  by 

any  British  authority  against  the  Emigrant  Boers 
purchasing  their  supplies  of  ammunition  in  any 
of  the  British  colonies  and  possessions  of  South 
Africa;  it  being  mutually  understood  that  all 
trade  in  ammunition  with  the  native  tribes  is 
prohibited  both  by  the  British  Government  and 
the  Emigrant  Farmers,  on  both  sides  of  the  Vaal 
River. 

7.  It  is  agreed  that,  so  far  as  possible,  all  criminals 

and  other  guilty  parties  who  may  fly  from  jus- 
tice, either  way  across  the  Vaal  River,  shall  1  le 
mutually  delivered  up,  if  such  should  be  re- 
quired, and  that  the  British  Courts,  as  well  as 
those  of  the  Emigrant  Farmers,  shall  be  mutu- 
ally open  to  each  other  for  all  legitimate  pro- 
cesses, and  that  summonses  for  witnesses  sent 
either  way  across  the  Vaal  River,  shall  be  backed 
by  the  Magistrates  on  either  side  of  the  same  re- 
spectively, to  compel  the  attendance  of  such 
witnesses  when  required. 

8.  It  is  agreed  that  certificates  of  marriage  issued  by 


256  THE   STORY   OF  THE   BOERS. 

the  proper  authorities  of  the  Emigrant  Farmer* 
shall  be  held  valid  and  sufficient  to  entitle  chil- 
dren of  such  marriages  to  receive  portions  accru- 
ing to  them  in  any  British  colony  or  possession 
in  South  Africa. 
9.  It  is  agreerl  that  any  and  every  person  now  in 
possession  of  land  and  residing  in  British  Terri- 
tory shall  have  free  right  and  power  to  sell  his 
said  property  and  remove  unmolested  across  the 
Vaal  River,  and  vice  versa;  it  being  distinctly 
understood  that  this  arrangement  does  not  com- 
prehend criminals  or  debtors  without  providing 
for  the  payment  of  their  just  and  lawful  debts. 
(Signed) 

A.  W.  J.  Pretorius,  Commandant  General. 

H.  S.  Lombard,  Latiddrost. 

W.  F.  Joubert,  Commandant  General. 

G.  J.  Kruger,  Commandant. 

W.  S.  Hogge,  Assistant  Commissioner . 

C.  Mostyn  Owen,  Assistant  Commissioner. 

J.  N.  Grobbelaar,  Member  of  the  Volksraad. 

P.  E.  Scholtz. 

F.  G.  Wolmarans,  Elder. 

J.  A.  van  Aswegen,  Ficldcornet. 

F.  J.  Botes. 

N.  J.  S.  Basson,  Ficldcornet. 

J.  P.  Furstenberg,  Fieldcornet. 

J.  P.  Pretorius. 

J.  H.  Grobbelaar. 

J.  M.  Lehman. 

P.  Schutte. 

J.  C.  Klopper. 
In  presence  of: 

John  Burnet. 

J.  H.  Visagie. 


THE  PRETORIA  CONVENTION  OF  1881. 

Preamble.  Her  Majesty's  Commissioners  for  the 
Settlement  of  the  Transvaal  territory,  duly  appointed 
as  such  by  a  Commission  passed  under  the  Royal 
Sign  Manual  and  Signet,  bearing  date  the  5th  of 
April,  1881,  do  hereby  undertake  and  guarantee  on 
behalf  of  Her  Majesty  that,  from  and  after  the  8th 
day  of  August,  1881,  complete  self-government,  sub- 
ject to  the  suzerainty  of  Her  Majesty,  her  heirs  and 
successors,  will  be  accorded  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Transvaal  territory,  upon  the  following  terms 
and  conditions,  and  subject  to  the  following  reserva- 
tions and  limitations: 

Article  i.  The  said  territory,  to  be  hereinafter 
called  the  Transvaal  State,  will  embrace  the  land 
lying  between  the  following  boundaries,  to  wit :  [here 
follow  three  pages  in  print  defining  boundaries.] 

Article  2.  Her  Majesty  reserves  to  herself,  her 
heirs  and  successors,  (a)  the  right  from  time  to  time 
to  appoint  a  British  Resident  in  and  for  the  said 
State,  with  such  duties  and  functions  as  are  herein- 
after defined ;  (b)  the  right  to  move  troops  through 
the  said  State  in  time  of  war,  or  in  case  of  the  appre- 
hension of  immediate  war  between  the  Suzerain 
Power  and  any  Foreign  State  or  Native  Tribe  in 
South  Africa;  and  (c)  the  control  of  the  external  re- 
lations of  the  said  State,  including  the  conclusion  of 
treaties  and  the  conduct  of  diplomatic  intercourse 
*7 


258  THE   STORY   OP   THE   BOERS. 

with  Foreign  Powers,  such  intercourse  to  be  carried 
on  through  Her  Majesty's  diplomatic  and  consular 
officers  abroad. 

Article  3.  Until  altered  by  the  Volksraad,  or  other 
competent  authority,  all  laws,  whether  passed  before 
or  after  the  annexation  of  the  Transvaal  territory  to 
Her  Majesty's  dominions,  shall,  except  in  so  far  as 
they  are  inconsistent  with  or  repugnant  to  the  pro- 
visions of  this  Convention,  be  and  remain  in  force 
in  the  said  State  in  so  far  as  they  shall  be  applicable 
thereto,  provided  that  no  future  enactment  especially 
affecting  the  interest  of  natives  shall  have  any  force 
or  effect  in  the  said  State,  without  the  consent  of 
Her  Majesty,  her  heirs  and  successors,  first  had  and 
obtained  and  signified  to  the  Government  of  the  said 
State  through  the  British  Resident ;  provided  further 
that  in  no  case  will  the  repeal  or  amendment  of  any 
laws  enacted  since  the  annexation  have  a  retrospec- 
tive effect,  so  as  to  invalidate  any  acts  done  or  liabili- 
ties incurred  by  virtue  of  such  laws. 

Article  4.  On  the  8th  day  of  August,  1881,  the 
Government  of  the  said  State,  together  with  all 
rights  and  obligations  thereto  appertaining,  and  all 
State  property  taken  over  at  the  time  of  annexation, 
save  and  except  munitions  of  war,  will  be  handed 
over  to  Messrs.  Stephanus  Johannes  Paulus  Kruger, 
Martinus  Wessel  Pretorius,  and  Petrus  Jacobus  Jou- 
bert,  or  the  survivor  or  survivors  of  them,  who  will 
forthwith  cause  a  Volksraad  to  be  elected  and  con- 
vened, and  the  Volksraad,  thus  elected  and  convened, 
will  decide  as  to  the  further  administration  of  the 
Government  of  the  said  State. 

Article  5  All  sentences  passed  upon  persons  who 
may  be  convicted  of  offences  contrary  to  the  rules 


PRETORIA   CONVENTION    OF    1881.        259 

of  civilized  warfare  committed  during  the  recent  hos- 
tilities will  be  duly  carried  out,  and  no  alteration 
or  mitigation  of  such  sentences  will  be  made  or  al- 
lowed by  the  Government  of  the  Transvaal  State 
without  Her  Majesty's  consent  conveyed  through 
the  British  Resident.  In  ease  there  shall  be  any 
prisoners  in  any  of  the  jails  of  the  Transvaal  State 
whose  respective  sentences  of  imprisonment  have 
been  remitted  in  part  by  Her  Majesty's  Adminis- 
trator or  other  officer  administering  the  Government, 
such  remission  will  be  recognized  and  acted  upon  by 
the  future  Government  of  the  said  State. 

Article  6.  Her  Majesty's  Government  will  make 
due  compensation  for  all  losses  or  damage  sustained 
by  reason  of  such  acts  as  are  in  the  8th  Article  herein- 
after specified,  which  may  have  been  committed  by 
Her  Majesty's  forces  during  the  recent  hostilities, 
except  such  losses  or  damage  as  may  already  have 
been  compensated  for,  and  the  Government  of  the 
Transvaal  State  will  make  due  compensation  for  all 
losses  or  damage  sustained  by  reason  of  such  acts  as 
are  in  the  8th  Article  hereinafter  specified  which 
may  have  been  committed  by  the  people  who  were 
in  arms  against  Her  Majesty  during  the  recent  hos- 
tilities, except  for  such  losses  or  damages  as  may 
already  have  been  compensated  for. 

Article  7.  The  decision  of  all  claims  for  compen- 
sation, as  in  the  last  preceding  Article  mentioned, 
will  be  referred  to  a  Sub-Commission,  consisting  of 
the  Honorable  George  Hudson,  the  Honorable  Jaco- 
bus Petrus  de  Wet,  and  the  Honorable  John  Gilbert 
Kotze\  In  case  one  or  more  of  such  Sub-Commis- 
sioners shall  be  unable  or  unwilling  to  act,  the  re- 
maining Sub-Commissioner  or    Sub-Commissioners 


260  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

will,  after  consultation  with  the  Government  of  the 
Transvaal  State,  submit  for  the  approval  of  Her 
Majesty's  High  Commissioners  the  names  of  one  or 
more  persons  to  be  appointed  by  them  to  fill  the  place 
or  places  thus  vacated.  The  decision  of  the  said  Sub- 
Commissioners,  or  of  a  majority  of  them,  will  be 
final.  The  said  Sub-Commissioners  will  enter  upon 
and  perform  their  duties  with  all  convenient  speed. 
They  will,  before  taking  evidence  or  ordering  evi- 
dence to  be  taken  in  respect  of  any  claim,  decide 
whether  such  claim  can  be  entertained  at  all  under 
the  rules  laid  down  in  the  next  succeeding  Article. 
In  regard  to  claims  which  can  be  so  entertained,  the 
Sub-Commissioners  will,  in  the  first  instance,  afford 
every  facility  for  an  amicable  arrangement  as  to  the 
amount  payable  in  respect  of  any  claim,  and  only  in 
cases  in  which  there  is  no  reasonable  ground  for  be- 
lieving that  an  immediate  amicable  arrangement  can 
be  arrived  at  will  they  take  evidence  or  order  evi- 
dence to  be  taken.  For  the  purpose  of  taking  evi- 
dence and  reporting  thereon,  the  Sub-Commission- 
ers may  appoint  Deputies,  who  will,  without  delay, 
submit  records  of  the  evidence  and  their  reports  to 
the  Sub-Commissioners.  The  Sub-Commissioners 
will  arrange  their  sittings  and  the  sittings  of  their 
Deputies  in  such  a  manner  as  to  afford  the  earliest 
convenience  to  the  parties  concerned  and  their  wit- 
nesses. In  no  case  will  costs  be  allowed  to  either 
side,  other  than  the  actual  and  reasonable  expenses 
of  witnesses  whose  evidence  is  certified  by  the  Sub- 
Commissioners  to  have  been  necessary.  Interest 
will  not  run  on  the  amount  of  any  claim,  except  as 
is  hereinafter  provided  for.  The  said  Sub-Commis- 
sioners will  forthwith,  after  deciding  upon  any  claim, 


PRETORIA   CONVENTION   OF    1881.        261 

announce  their  decision  to  the  Government  against 
which  the  award  is  made  and  to  the  claimant.  The 
amount  of  remuneration  payable  to  the  Sub-Com- 
missioners and  their  Deputies  will  be  determined  by 
the  High  Commissioners.  all  the  claims  have 

been  decided  upon,  the  British  Government  and  the 
Government  of  the  Transvaal  State  will  pay  propor- 
tionate shares  of  the  said  remuneration  and  of  the 
expenses  of  the  Sub-Commissioners  and  their  Depu- 
ties, according  to  the  amount  awarded  against  them 
respectively. 

Article  8.  For  the  purpose  of  distinguishing  claims 
to  be  accepted  from  those  to  be  rejected,  the  Sub- 
Commissioners  will  be  guided  by  the  following  rules, 
viz.  :  Compensation  will  be  allowed  for  losses  or  dam- 
age sustained  by  reason  of  the  following  acts  com- 
mitted during  the  recent  hostilities,  viz.,  (a)  com- 
mandeering, seizure,  confiscation,  or  destruction  of 
property,  or  damage  done  to  property;  (/>)  violence 
done  or  threats  used  by  persons  in  arms.  In  regards 
to  acts  under  (a),  compensation  will  be  allowed  for 
direct  losses  only.  In  regard  to  acts  falling  under 
(b),  compensation  will  be  allowed  for  actual  losses 
of  property,  or  actual  injury  to  the  same  proved  to 
have  been  caused  by  its  enforced  abandonment.  No 
claims  for  indirect  losses,  except  such  as  are  in  this 
Article  specially  provided  for,  \."A  be  entertained. 
No  claims  which  have  been  handed  in  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Royal  Commission  after  the  1st  day  of 
July,  1S81,  will  be  entertained,  unless  the  Sub-Com- 
missioners shall  be  satisfied  that  the  delay  was 
reasonable.  When  claims  for  loss  of  property 
are  considered,  the  Sub-Commissioners  will  re- 
quire distinct  proof  of   the   existence  of  the  prop- 


262  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

erty,  and  that  it  neither  has  reverted  nor  will  re- 
vert to  the  claimant. 

Article  9.  The  Government  of  the  Transvaal 
State  will  pay  and  satisfy  the  amount  of  every  claim 
awarded  against  it  within  one  month  after  the  Sub- 
Commissioners  shall  have  notified  their  decision  to 
the  said  Government,  and  in  default  of  such  pay- 
ment the  said  Government  will  pay  interest  at  the 
rate  of  6  per  cent,  per  annum  from  the  date  of  such 
default;  but  Her  Majesty's  Government  may  at  any 
time  before  such  payment  pay  the  amount,  with  in- 
terest, if  any,  to  the  claimant  in  satisfaction  of  his 
claim,  and  may  add  the  sum  thus  paid  to  any  debt 
which  may  be  due  by  the  Transvaal  State  to  Her 
Majesty's  Government,  as  hereinafter  provided  for. 

Article  10.  The  Transvaal  State  will  be  liable  for 
the  balance  of  the  debts  for  which  the  South  African 
Republic  was  liable  at  the  date  of  annexation,  to  wit, 
the  sum  of  ^48,000  in  respect  of  the  Cape  Commer- 
cial Bank  Loan,  and  ,£85,667  in  respect  to  the  Rail- 
way Loan,  together  with  the  amount  due  on  8th 
August,  1 88 1,  on  account  of  the  Orphan  Chamber 
Debt,  which  now  stands  at  ^22, 200,  which  debts  will 
be  a  first  charge  upon  the  revenues  of  the  State. 
The  Transvaal  State  will,  moreover,  be  liable  for  the 
lawful  expenditure  lawfully  incurred  for  the  neces- 
sary expenses  of  the  Province  since  the  annexation, 
to  wit,  the  sum  of  ^265,000,  which  debt,  together 
with  such  debts  as  may  be  incurred  by  virtue  of  the 
9th  Article,  will  be  second  charge  upon  the  revenues 
of  the  State. 

Article  ii.  The  debts  due  as  aforesaid  by  the 
Transvaal  State  to  Her  Majesty's  Government  will 
bear  interest  at  the  rate  of  three  and  a  half  per  cent. , 


PRETORIA  ik>\    OF    1 88 1 .        263 

and  any  portion  of  such  debt  as  may  remain  unpaid 
at  the  expiration  of  twelve  months  from  the  8th 
August,  1881,  shall  be  repayable  by  a  payment  for 
interest  and  sinking  fund  of  six  pounds  and  nine- 
pence  per  cent,  per  annum,  which  will  extinguish 
the  debt  in  twenty-live  years.  The  said  payment  of 
six  pounds  and  ninepence  per  jQioo  shall  be  payable 
half  yearly  in  British  currency  on  the  Sth  February 
and  8th  August  in  each  year.  Provided,  always,  that 
the  Transvaal  State  shall  pay  in  reduction  of  the  said 
debt  the  sum  of  ^100,000  within  twelve  months  of 
the  Sth  August,  18S1,  and  shall  be  at  liberty  at  the 
close  of  any  half  year  to  pay  off  the  whole  or  any 
portion  of  the  outstanding  debt. 

Article  12.  All  persons  holding  property  in  the 
said  State  on  the  Sth  day  of  August,  1881,  will  con- 
tinue after  the  said  date  to  enjoy  the  rights  of  prop- 
erty which  they  have  enjoyed  since  the  annexation. 
No  person  who  has  remained  loyal  to  Her  Majesty 
during  the  recent  hostilities  shall  suffer  any  moles- 
tation by  reason  of  his  loyalty,  or  be  liable  to  any 
criminal  prosecution  or  civil  action  for  any  part  taken 
in  connection  with  such  hostilities,  and  all  such  per- 
sons will  have  full  liberty  to  reside  in  the  country, 
with  enjoyment  of  all  civil  rights,  and  protection 
for  their  persons  and  property. 

Article  13.  Natives  will  be  allowed  to  acquire 
land,  but  the  grant  or  transfer  of  such  land  will,  in 
every  case,  be  made  to  and  registered  in  the  name 
of  the  Native  Location  Commission,  hereinafter 
mentioned,  in  trust  for  such  natives. 

Article  14.  Natives  will  be  allowed  to  move  as 
freely  within  the  country  as  may  be  consistent  with 
the  requirements  of  public  order,  and  to  leave  it  for 


264  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

the  purpose  of  seeking  employment  elsewhere  or  for 
other  lawful  purposes,  subject  always  to  the  pass 
laws  of  the  said  State,  as  amended  by  the  Legisla- 
ture of  the  Province,  or  as  may  hereafter  be  enacted 
under  the  provisions  of  the  Third  Article  of  this  Con- 
vention. 

Article  15.  There  will  continue  to  be  complete 
freedom  of  religion  and  protection  from  molestation 
for  all  denominations,  provided  the  same  be  not  in- 
consistent with  morality  and  good  order,  and  no  dis- 
ability shall  attach  to  any  person  in  regard  to  rights 
of  property  by  reason  of  the  religious  opinions  which 
he  holds. 

Article  16.  The  provisions  of  the  Fourth  Article 
of  the  Sand  River  Convention  are  hereby  re-affirmed, 
and  no  slavery  or  apprenticeship  partaking  of  slav- 
ery will  be  tolerated  by  the  Government  of  the  said 
State. 

Article  i  7.  The  British  Resident  will  receive  from 
the  Government  of  the  Transvaal  State  such  assist- 
ance and  support  as  can  by  law  be  given  to  him  for 
the  due  discharge  of  his  functions ;  he  will  also  re- 
ceive every  assistance  for  the  proper  care  and  preser- 
vation of  the  graves  of  such  of  Her  Majesty's  forces 
as  have  died  in  the  Transvaal,  and  if  need  be  for  the 
expropriation  of  land  for  the  purpose. 

Article  18.  The  following  will  be  the  duties  and 
functions  of  the  British  Resident:  Sub-section  1,  he 
will  perform  duties  and  functions  analogous  to  those 
discharged  by  a  Charge  d' Affaires  and  Consul-Gen- 
eral. 

Sub-section  2.  In  regard  to  natives  within  the 
Transvaal  State  he  will  (a)  report  to  the  High  Com- 
missioner, as  representative  of  the  Suzerain,  as  to 


PRETORIA    CONVENTION    OF    [881.        265 

the  working  and  observance  of  the  provisions  of  this 
Convention;  (/>)  report  to  the  Transvaal  authorities 
any  cases  of  ill-treatment  of  natives  or  attempts  to  in- 
cite natives  to  rebellion  that  may- come  to  his  knowl- 
edge; (()  use  his  influence  with  the  natives  in  favor 
of  law  and  order;  and  {</)  generally  perform  such 
other  duties  as  are  by  this  Convention  entrusted  to 
him,  and  take  such  steps  for  the  protection  of  the 
person  and  property  of  natives  as  are  consistent 
with  the  laws  of  the  land. 

Sub-section  3.  In  regard  to  natives  not  residing  in 
the  Transvaal  (a)  he  will  report  to  the  High  Com- 
missioner and  the  Transvaal  Government  any  en- 
croachments reported  to  him  as  having  been  made 
by  Transvaal  residents  upon  the  land  of  such  natives, 
and  in  case  of  disagreement  between  the  Transvaal 
Government  and  the  British  Resident  as  to  whether 
an  encroachment  has  been  made,  the  decision  of  the 
Suzerain  will  be  final ;  (/;)  the  British  Resident  will 
be  the  medium  of  communication  with  native  chiefs 
outside  the  Transvaal,  and,  subject  to  the  approval 
of  the  High  Commissioner,  as  representing  the 
Suzerain,  he  will  control  the  conclusion  of  treaties 
with  them ;  and  (c)  he  will  arbitrate  upon  every  dis- 
pute between  Transvaal  residents  and  natives  out- 
side the  Transvaal  (as  to  acts  committed  beyond  the 
boundaries  of  the  Transvaal)  which  may  be  referred 
to  him  by  the  parties  interested. 

Sub-section  4.  In  regard  to  communications  with 
foreign  powers,  the  Transvaal  Government  will  cor- 
respond with  Her  Majesty's  Government  through 
the  British  Resident  and  the  High  Commissioner. 

Article  19.  The  Government  of  the  Transvaal 
State  will  strictly  adhere  to  the  boundaries  defined 


266  THE    STORY    OF    THE   BOERS. 

in  the  First  Article  of  this  Convention,  and  will  do 
its  utmost  to  prevent  any  of  its  inhabitants  from 
making-  any  encroachment  upon  lands  beyond  the 
said  State.  The  Royal  Commission  will  forthwith 
appoint  a  person  who  will  beacon  off  the  boundary 
line  between  Ramatlabama  and  the  point  where  such 
line  first  touches  Griqualand  West  boundary,  mid- 
way between  the  Vaal  and  Hart  rivers;  the  person 
so  appointed  will  be  instructed  to  make  an  arrange- 
ment between  the  owners  of  the  farms  Grootfontein 
and  Valleifontein  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Barolong 
authorities  on  the  other,  by  which  a  fair  share  of  the 
water  supply  of  the  said  farms  shall  be  allowed  to 
flow  undisturbed  to  the  said  Barolongs. 

Article  20.  All  grants  or  titles  issued  at  any  time 
by  the  Transvaal  Government  in  respect  of  land  out- 
side the  boundary  of  Transvaal  State,  as  defined,  Ar- 
ticle 1,  shall  be  considered  invalid  and  of  no  effect, 
except  in  so  far  as  any  such  grant  or  title  relates  to 
land  that  falls  within  the  boundary  of  the  Transvaal 
State,  and  all  persons  holding  any  such  grant  so  con- 
sidered invalid  and  of  no  effect  will  receive  from 
the  Government  of  the  Transvaal  State  such  com- 
pensation either  in  land  or  in  money  as  the  Volks- 
raad  shall  determine.  In  all  cases  in  which  any 
native  chiefs  or  other  authorities  outside  the  said 
boundaries  have  received  any  adequate  consideration 
from  the  Government  of  the  former  South  African 
Republic  for  land  excluded  from  the  Transvaal  by 
the  First  Article  of  this  Convention,  or  where  per- 
manent improvements  have  been  made  on  the  land, 
the  British  Resident  will,  subject  to  the  approval  of 
the  High  Commissioner,  use  his  influence  to  recover 
from  the  native  authorities  fair  compensation  for  the 


PRETORIA      ONVEN  0]     i 

loss  of  the  land  thus  excluded,  and  of  lli  i  ment 

improvement  thereon. 

Article  21.  Forthwith,  after  the  taking  effect  of 
this  Convention,  a  Native  Location  Commission 
will  be  constituted,  consisting  of  the  President,  or  in 
his  absence  the  Vice  President  of  the  State,  or  some 
one  deputed  by  him,  the  Resident,  or  some  one 
deputed  by  him,  and  a  third  person  to  be  agreed 
upon  by  the  President  or  the  Vice-President,  as  the 
case  may  be,  and  the  Resident,  and  such  Commis- 
sion will  be  a  standing  body  for  the  performance  of 
the  duties  hereinafter  mentioned. 

Article  22.  The  Native  Location  Commission  will 
reserve  to  the  native  tribes  of  the  State  such  loca- 
tions as  they  may  be  fairly  and  equitably  entitled  to, 
due  regard  being  had  to  the  actual  occupation  of 
such  tribes.  The  Native  Location  Commission  will 
clearly  define  the  boundaries  of  such  locations,  and 
for  that  purpose  will,  in  every  instance,  first  of  all 
ascertain  the  wishes  of  the  parties  interested  in  such 
land.  In  case  land  already  granted  in  individual 
titles  shall  be  required  for  the  purpose  of  any  loca- 
tion, the  owners  will  receive  such  compensation 
either  in  other  land  or  in  money  as  the  Volksraad 
shall  determine.  After  the  boundaries  of  any  loca- 
tion have  been  fixed,  no  fresh  grant  of  land  within 
such  location  will  be  made,  nor  will  the  boundaries  be 
altered  without  the  consent  of  the  Location  Commis- 
sion. No  fresh  grants  of  land  will  be  made  in  the 
districts  of  Waterberg,  Zoutpansberg,  and  Lyden- 
burg  until  the  locations  in  the  said  districts  respect- 
ively shall  have  been  defined  by  the  said  Commis- 
sion. 

Article  23.   If  not  released  before  the  taking  ef- 


268  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

feet  of  this  Convention,  Secoecoeni,  and  those  of  his 
followers  who  have  been  imprisoned  with  him,  will 
be  forthwith  released,  and  the  boundaries  of  his  loca- 
tion will  be  defined  by  the  Native  Location  Commis- 
sion in  the  manner  indicated  in  the  last  preceding 
Article. 

Article  24.  The  independence  of  the  Swazies 
within  the  boundary  line  of  Swaziland,  as  indicated 
in  the  First  Article  of  this  Convention,  will  be  fully 
recognized. 

Article  25.  No  other  or  higher  duties  will  be 
imposed  on  the  importation  into  the  Transvaal 
State  of  any  article  the  produce  or  manufacture  of 
the  dominions  and  possessions  of  Her  Majesty, 
from  whatever  place  arriving,  than  are  or  may  be 
payable  on  the  like  article  the  produce  or  manu- 
facture of  any  other  country,  nor  will  any  prohi- 
bition be  maintained  or  imposed  on  the  importa- 
tion of  any  article  the  produce  or  manufacture  of 
the  dominions  and  possessions  of  Her  Majesty, 
which  shall  not  equally  extend  to  the  importation 
of  the  like  articles  being  the  produce  or  manufac- 
ture of  any  other  country. 

Article  26.  All  persons  other  than  natives  con- 
forming themselves  to  the  laws  of  the  Transvaal 
State  (a)  will  have  full  liberty  with  their  families  to 
enter,  travel,  or  reside  in  any  part  of  the  Transvaal 
State ;  {b)  they  will  be  entitled  to  hire  or  possess 
houses,  manufactures,  warehouses,  shops,  and  prem- 
ises ;  (c)  they  may  carry  on  their  commerce  either  in 
person  or  by  any  agents  whom  they  may  think  to 
employ ;  (d)  they  will  not  be  subject  in  respect  of 
their  persons  or  property,  or  in  respect  of  their  com- 
merce or  industry,  to  any  taxes,  whether  general  or 


PRETORIA   CONVENTION    OF    i      i.        269 

local,  other  than  those  which  are  or  may  be  imposed 
upon  Transvaal  citiziens. 

Artk  le  27.  All  inhabitants  of  the  Transvaal  shall 
have  free  access  to  the  Courts  of  Justice  for  the  pro- 
tection and  defence  of  their  rights. 

Article  28.  All  persons  other  than  natives  who 
established  their  domicile  in  the  Transvaal  between 
the  12th  day  of  April,  1S77,  and  the  date  when  this 
Convention  comes  into  effect,  and  who  shall  within 
twelvemonths  after  such  last-mentioned  date  have 
their  names  registered  by  the  British  Resident,  shall 
be  exempt  from  all  compulsory  military  service 
whatever.  The  Resident  shall  notify  such  registra- 
tion to  the  Government  of  the  Transvaal  State. 

Article  29.  Provision  shall  hereafter  be  made  by 
a  separate  instrument  for  the  mutual  extradition  of 
criminals,  and  also  for  the  surrender  of  deserters 
from  Her  Majesty's  forces. 

Article  30.  All  debts  contracted  since  the  annexa- 
tion will  be  payable  in  the  same  currency  in  which 
they  may  have  been  contracted ;  all  uncancelled  post- 
age and  other  revenue  stamps  issued  by  the  Govern- 
ment since  the  annexation  will  remain  valid,  and 
will  be  accepted  at  their  present  value  by  the  future 
Government  of  the  State;  all  licenses  duly  issued 
since  the  annexation  will  remain  in  force  during  the 
period  for  which  they  may  have  been  issued. 

Article  31.  No  grants  of  land  which  may  have 
been  made,  and  no  transfer  of  mortgage  which  may 
have  been  passed  since  the  annexation,  will  be  invali- 
dated by  reason  merely  of  their  having  been  made 
or  passed  since  that  date.  All  transfers  to  the  Brit- 
ish Secretary  for  Native  Affairs  in  trust  for  natives 
will  remain  in  force,  the  Native  Location  Commis- 


270  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

sion  taking  the  place  of  such  Secretary  for  Native 
Affairs. 

Article  32.  This  Convention  will  be  ratified  by  a 
newly  elected  Volksraad  within  the  period  of  three 
months  after  its  execution,  and  in  default  of  such 
ratification  this  Convention  shall  be  null  and  void. 

Article  33.  Forthwith,  after  the  ratification  of 
this  Convention,  as  in  the  last  preceding  Article 
mentioned,  all  British  troops  in  Transvaal  territory 
will  leave  the  same,  and  the  mutual  delivery  of 
munition-  of  war  will  be  carried  out.  [Articles  end. 
Here  will  follow  signatures  of  Royal  Commissioners, 
then  the  following  to  precede  signatures  of  trium- 
virate] : 

We,  the  undersigned,  Stephanus  Johannes  Paulus 
Kruger,  Martinus  Wessel  Pretorius,  and  Petrus  Jaco- 
bus Joubert,  as  representatives  of  the  Transvaal 
Burghers,  do  hereby  agree  to  all  the  above  condi- 
tions, reservations,  and  limitations  under  which  self- 
government  has  been  restored  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Transvaal  territory,  subject  to  the  suzerainty 
of  Her  Majesty,  her  heirs  and  successors,  and  we 
agree  to  accept  the  Government  of  the  said  territory, 
with  all  rights  and  obligations  thereto  appertaining, 
on  the  8th  day  of  August;  and  we  promise  and 
undertake  that  this  Convention  shall  be  ratified  by 
a  newly  elected  Volksraad  of  the  Transvaal  State 
within  three  months  from  this  date. 


THE  LONDON   CONVENTION   OF  1884. 

Whereas  the  Government  of  the  Transvaal  State, 
through  its  Delegates,  consisting  of  Stephanus 
Johannes  Paulus  Kruger,  President  of  the  said 
State,  Stephanus  Jacobus  Du  Toit,  Superintendent 
of  Education,  and  Nicholas  Jacobus  Smit,  a  member 
of  the  Volksraad,  have  represented  that  the  Conven- 
tion signed  at  Pretoria  on  the  3d  day  of  August, 
1 88 1,  and  ratified  by  the  Volksraad  of  the  said  State 
on  the  25th  October,  1SS1,  contains  certain  provis- 
ions which  are  inconvenient,  and  imposes  burdens 
and  obligations  from  which  the  said  State  is  desir- 
ous to  be  relieved,  and  that  the  southwestern  boun- 
daries fixed  by  the  said  Convention  should  be 
amended,  with  a  view  to  promote  the  peace  and 
good  order  of  the  said  State,  and  of  the  countries 
adjacent  thereto;  and  whereas  Her  Majesty  the 
Queen  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland  has  been  pleased  to  take  the  said  represen- 
tations into  consideration :  Now,  therefore,  Her  Maj- 
esty has  been  pleased  to  direct,  and  it  is  hereby 
declared,  that  the  following  articles  of  a  new  Con- 
vention, signed  on  behalf  of  Her  Majesty  by  Her 
Majesty's  High  Commissioner  in  South  Africa,  the 
Right  Honorable  Sir  Hercules  George  Robert  Rob- 
inson, Knight  Grand  Cross  of  the  Most  Distinguished 
Order  of  Saint  Michael  and  Saint  George,  Governor 
of  the  Colony  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  on  be- 


272  THE   STORY   OF    THE   BOERS. 

half  of  the  Transvaal  State  (which  shall  hereinafter 
be  called  the  South  African  Republic)  by  the  above- 
named  Delegates,  Stephanus  Johannes  Paulus  Kru- 
ger,  Stephanus  Jacobus  Du  Toit,  and  Nicholas  Jaco- 
bus Smit,  shall,  when  ratified  by  the  Volksraad  of 
the  South  African  Republic,  be  substituted  for  the 
articles  embodied  in  the  Convention  of  3d  August, 
1 881;  which  latter,  pending  such  ratification,  shall 
continue  in  full  force  and  effect. 

ARTICLES. 

Article  i.  The  Territory  of  the  South  African 
Republic  will  embrace  the  land  lying  between  the 
following  boundaries,  to  wit : 

Beginning  from  the  point  where  the  northeastern 
boundary  line  of  Griqualand  West  meets  the  Vaal 
River,  up  the  course  of  the  Vaal  River  to  the  point 
of  junction  with  it  of  the  Klip  River;  thence  up  the 
course  of  the  Klip  River  to  the  point  of  junction  with 
it  of  the  stream  called  Gansvlei ;  thence  up  the  Gans- 
vlei  stream  to  its  source  in  the  Drakensberg ;  thence 
to  a  beacon  in  the  boundary  of  Natal,  situated  im- 
mediately opposite  and  close  to  the  source  of  the 
Gansvlei  stream;  thence  in  a  northeasterly  direc- 
tion along  the  ridge  of  the  Drakensberg,  dividing 
the  waters  flowing  into  the  Gansvlei  stream  from  the 
waters  flowing  into  the  sources  of  the  Buffalo,  to  a 
beacon  on  a  point  where  this  mountain  ceases  to  be 
a  continuous  chain;  thence  to  a  beacon  on  a  plain 
to  the  northeast  of  the  last  described  beacon;  thence 
to  the  nearest  source  of  a  small  stream  called  "  Divis- 
ion Stream " ;  thence  down  this  division  stream, 
which   forms  the  southern  boundary  of  the   farm 


LONDi  ''.    CONVENTK  i  1884.         273 

Sandfontein,  the  property  1  Meek,  to  its 

junction   with   the   Coldstream;    thence   down   the 
Coldstream  to  its  junction  with  the   I  1  or  Um- 

zinyati  River;  thence  clown  the  course  of  the  Bud. 
River  to  the  junction  with  it  of  the  Blood  River; 
thence  up  the  course  of  the  Blood  River  to  the 
junction  with  it  of  Lyn  Spruit  or  Dudusi;  thence 
up  the  Dudusi  to  its  source;  thence  So  yards  to  B< 
I.,  situated  on  a  spur  of  the  N'Qaba-Ka-hawana 
Mountains;  thence  80  yards  to  the  X'Sonto  Riv 
thence  down  the  X'Sonto  River  to  its  junction  with 
the  White  Umvulozi  River;  thence  up  the  White 
Umvulozi  River  to  a  white  rock  where  it  rises; 
thence  800  yards  to  Kambula  Hill  (Bea.  II.)*.  the; 
to  the  source  of  the  Pemvana  River,  where  the  road 
from  Kambula  Camp  to  Burgers'  Laager  crosses; 
thence  down  the  Pemvana  River  to  its  junction  with 
the  Bivana  River ;  thence  dowrn  the  Bivana  B.iver  to 
its  junction  with  the  Pongolo  River;  thence  down 
the  Pongolo  River  to  where  it  passes  through  the 
Libombo  Range;  thence  along  the  summits  of  the 
Libombo  Range  to  the  northern  point  of  the 
N'Yawos  Hill  in  that  range  (Bea.  XVI.);  thence  to 
the  northern  peak  of  the  Inkwakweni  Hills  (Bea. 
XV.);  thence  to  Sefunda,  a  rocky  knoll  detached 
from  and  to  the  northeast  end  of  the  White  Kop- 
pies,  and  to  the  south  of  the  Musana  River  (Bea. 
XIV.) ;  thence  to  a  point  on  the  slope  near  the  crest 
of  Matanjeni,  which  is  the  name  given  to  the  south- 
eastern portion  of  the  Mahamba  Hills  (Bea.  XIII.); 
thence  to  the  N'gwangwana,  a  double-pointed  hill 
(one  point  is  bare,  the  olhcr  wooded,  the  beacon 
being  on  the  former),  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Assegai 
River  and  upstream  of  the  Dadusa  Spruit  (Bea. 
18 


274  THE   STORY   OF  THE   BOERS. 

XII.) ;  thence  to  the  southern  point  of  Bendita,  a 
rocky  knoll  in  a  plain  between  the  Little  Hlozane 
and  Assegai  Rivers  (Bea.  XI.) ;  thence  to  the  high- 
est point  of  Suluka  Hill,  round  the  eastern  slopes  of 
which  flows  the  Little  Hlozane,  also  called  Ludaka 
or  Mudspruit  (Bea.  X.);  thence  to  the  beacon  known 
as  "  Viljoen's,"  or  N'Duko  Hill;  thence  to  a  point 
northeast  of  Derby  House,  known  as  Magwazidili's 
Beacon ;  thence  to  the  Israba,  a  small  knoll  on  the 
Ungwempisi  River,  also  called  "  Joubert's  Beacon," 
and  known  to  the  natives  as  "  Piet's  Beacon  "  (Bea. 
IX.) ;  thence  to  the  highest  point  of  the  N'Dhlovud- 
walili  or  Houtbosch,  a  hill  on  the  northern  bank  of 
the  Umqwempisi  River  (Bea.  VIII.);  thence  to  a 
beacon  on  the  only  flat-topped  rock,  about  10  feet 
high  and  about  30  yards  in  circumference  at  its  base, 
situated  on  the  south  side  of  the  Lamsamane  range 
of  hills,  and  overlooking  the  valley  of  the  great 
Usuto  River ;  this  rock  being  45  yards  north  of  the 
road  from  Camden  and  Lake  Banagher  to  the  forests 
on  the  Usuto  River  (sometimes  called  Sandhlanas 
Beacon)  (Bea.  VII.);  thence  to  the  Gulungwana  or 
Ibubulundi,  four  smooth  bare  hills,  the  highest  in 
that  neighborhood,  situated  to  the  south  of  the  Um- 
tuli  River  (Bea.  VI.) ;  thence  to  a  flat-topped  rock,  8 
feet  high,  on  the  crest  of  the  Busuku,  a  low  rocky 
range  southwest  of  the  Impulazi  River  (Bea.  V.); 
thence  to  a  low  bare  hill  on  the  northeast  of,  and 
overlooking  the  Impulazi  River,  to  the  south  of  it 
being  a  tributary  of  the  Impulazi,  with  a  consider- 
able waterfall,  and  the  road  from  the  river  passing 
200  yards  to  the  northwest  of  the  beacon  (Bea.  IV.) ; 
thence  to  the  highest  point  of  the  Mapumula  range, 
the  watershed  of  the  Little  Usuto  River  on  the  north, 


LONDON   CONVENTION'    OF    1884.  275 

and  the  Umpulazi  River  on  the  south,  the  hill,  the 
top  of  which  is  a  bare  rock,  falling  abruptly  toward 
the  Little  Usuto  (Bea.  III.);  thence  to  the  western 
point  of  a  double-pointed  rock)-  hill,  precipitous  on 

.ill  sides,  called  Makwana,  its  top  being  a  bare  rock 
(Bea.  II.);  thence  to  the  top  of  a  rugged  hill  of  con- 
siderable height  falling  abruptly  to  the  Komati 
River,  this  hill  being  the  northern  extremity  of  the 
Isilotwani  range,  and  separated  from  the  highest 
peak  of  the  range  Inkomokazi  (a  sharp  cone)  by  a 
deep  neck  (Bea.  I.).  (On  a  ridge  in  the  straight 
line  between  Beacons  I.  and  II.  is  an  intermediate 
beacon.)  From  Beacon  I.  the  boundary  runs  to  a 
hill  across  the  Komati  River,  and  thence  along  the 
crest  of  the  range  of  hills  known  as  the  Makongwa, 
which  runs  northeast  and  southwest,  to  Kamhlu- 
bana  Peak ;  thence  in  a  straight  line  to  Mananga,  a 
point  in  the  Libombo  range,  and  thence  to  the  near- 
est point  in  the  Portuguese  frontier  on  the  Libombo 
range;  thence  along  the  summits  of  the  Libombo 
range  to  the  middle  of  the  port  where  the  Komati 
River  passes  through  it,  called  the  lowest  Komati 
Poort;  thence  in  a  north-by-easterly  direction  to 
Pokioens  Kop,  situated  on  the  north  side  of  the 
Olifant's  River,  where  it  passes  through  the  ridges; 
thence  about  north-northwest  to  the  nearest  point 
of  Serra  di  Chicundo;  and  thence  to  the  junction  of 
the  Pafori  River  with  the  Limpopo  or  Crocodile 
River;  thence  up  the  course  of  the  Limpopo  River 
to  the  point  where  the  Marique  River  falls  into  it.  ; 
thence  up  the  course  of  the  Marique  River  to  "  Derde 
Poort,"  where  it  passes  through  a  low  range  of  hills, 
called  Sikwane,  a  beacon  (No.  10)  being  erected  on 
the  spur  of  said  range  near  to,  and  westward  of,  the 


276  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

banks  of  the  river ;  thence,  in  a  straight  line,  through 
this  beacon  to  a  beacon  (No.  9),  erected  on  the  top  of 
the  same  range,  about  1,700  yards  distant  from  bea- 
con No.  10;  thence,  in  a  straight  line,  to  a  beacon 
(No.  8)  erected  on  the  highest  point  of  an  isolated 
hill,  called  Dikgagong,  or  "Wildebeest  Kop,"  situ- 
ated southeastward  of,  and  about  3^5  miles  distant 
from  a  high  hill,  called  Moripe ;  thence,  in  a  straight 
line,  to  a  beacon  (No.  7)  erected  on  the  summit  of 
an  isolated  hill  or  "koppie  "  forming  the  eastern  ex- 
tremity of  the  range  of  hills  called  Moshweu,  situ- 
ated to  the  northward  of,  and  about  two  miles 
distant  from,  a  large  isolated  hill  called  Chukudu- 
Chochwa;  thence,  in  a  straight  line,  to  a  beacon 
(No.  6)  erected  on  the  summit  of  a  hill  forming  part 
of  the  same  range,  Moshweu ;  thence,  in  a  straight 
line,  to  a  beacon  (No.  5)  erected  on  the  summit  of  a 
pointed  hill  in  the  same  range ;  thence,  in  a  straight 
line,  to  a  beacon  (No.  4)  erected  on  the  summit  of 
the  western  extremity  of  the  same  range;  thence,  in 
a  straight  line,  to  a  beacon  (No.  3)  erected  on  the 
summit  of  the  northern  extremity  of  a  low,  bushy 
hill,  or  "Koppie,"  near  to  and  eastward  of  the  Not- 
wane  River ;  thence,  in  a  straight  line,  to  the  junc- 
tion of  the  stream  called  Metsi-Mashwane  with  the 
Notwane  River  (No.  2)  ;  thence  up  the  course  of  the 
Notwane  River  to  Sengoma,  being  the  Poort  where 
the  river  passes  through  the  Dwarsberg  range; 
thence,  as  described  in  the  Award  given  by  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Keate,  dated  October  17,  187 1, 
by  Pitlanganyane  (narrow  place),  Deboaganka  or 
Schaapkuil,  Sibatoul  (bare  place),  and  Maclase,  to 
Ramatlabama,  a  pool  on  a  spruit  north  of  the  Molopo 
River.     From  Ramatlabama  the  boundary  shall  run 


LONDON    CONVENTION   OF    1884.  277 

to  the  summit  of  an  isolated  hill,  called  Leganka; 
thence,  in  a  straight  line,  passing  northeast  of  a 
Native  Station,   near  "Buurman's   Drift,"  on   the 

Molopo  River,  to  that  point  on  the  road  from  Mo- 
siega  to  the  old  drift,  where  a  road  turns  out  through 
the  Native  Station  to  the  new  drift  below;  thence  to 
"  Buurman's  Old  Drift";  tl  in  a  straight  line, 

to  a  marked  and  isolated  clump  of  trees  near  to  and 
northwest  of  the  dwelling-house  of  C.  Austin,  a  ten- 
ant on  the  farm  "  Vleifontein,"  No.  117;  thence,  in 
a  straight  line,  to  the  northwestern  corner  beacon 
of  the  farm  "Mooimeisjesfontein,"  No.  30;  thence, 
along  the  western  line  of  the  said  farm  '*  Mooimeis- 
jesfontein," and  in  prolongation  thereof,  as  far  as 
the  road  leading  from  "  Ludik's  Drift,"  on  the  Mo- 
lopo River,  past  the  homestead  of  "  Mooimeisjesfon- 
tein," toward  the  Salt  Pans  near  Harts  River; 
thence,  along  the  said  road,  crossing  the  direct  road 
from  Polfontein  to  Sehuba,  and  until  the  direct  road 
from  Polfontein  to  Lotlakane  or  Pietfontein  is 
reached;  thence,  along  the  southern  edge  of  the  last- 
named  road  toward  Lotlakane,  until  the  first  garden 
ground  of  that  station  is  reached;  thence,  in  a  south- 
westerly direction,  skirting  Lotlakane,  so  as  to  leave 
it  and  all  its  garden  ground  in  native  territory,  until 
the  road  from  Lotlakane  to  Kunana  is  reached; 
thence,  along  the  east  side,  and  clear  of  that  road 
toward  Kunana,  until  the  garden  grounds  of  that 
station  are  reached ;  thence,  skirting  Kunana,  so  as 
to  include  it  and  all  its  garden  ground,  but  no  more, 
in  the  Transvaal,  until  the  road  from  Kunana  to 
Mamusa  is  reached ;  thence,  along  the  eastern  side 
and  clear  of  the  road  toward  Mamusa,  until  a  road 
turns  out  toward  Taungs ;  thence,  along  the  eastern 


278  THE   STORY   OF   THE   BOERS. 

side  and  clear  of  the  road  toward  Taungs,  till  the  line 
of  the  district  known  as  "  Stellaland "  is  reached, 
about  1 1  miles  from  Taungs ;  thence,  along  the  line 
of  the  district  Stellaland,  to  the  Harts  River,  about 
24  miles  below  Mamusa;  thence,  across  Harts  River, 
to  the  junction  of  the  roads  from  Monthe  and  Phok- 
wane;  thence,  along  the  western  side  and  clear  of 
the  nearest  road  toward"  Koppie  Enkel,"  an  isolated 
hill  about  36  miles  from  Mamusa,  and  about  18  miles 
north  of  Christiana,  and  to  the  summit  of  the  said 
hill;  thence,  in  a  straight  line,  to  that  point  on  the 
northeast  boundary  of  Griqualand  West  as  beaconed 
by  Mr.  Surveyor  Ford,  where  two  farms,  registered 
as  Nos.  72  and  75,  do  meet,  about  midway  between 
the  Vaal  and  Harts  Rivers,  measured  along  the  said 
boundary  of  Griqualand  West;  thence  to  the  first 
point  where  the  northeast  boundary  of  Griqualand 
West  meets  the  Vaal  River. 

Article  II.  The  Government  of  the  South  Afri- 
can Republic  will  strictly  adhere  to  the  boundaries 
defined  in  the  first  Article  of  this  Convention,  and 
will  do  its  utmost  to  prevent  any  of  its  inhabitants 
from  making  any  encroachments  upon  lands  beyond 
the  said  boundaries.  The  Government  of  the  South 
African  Republic  will  appoint  Commissioners  upon 
the  eastern  and  western  borders  whose  duty  it  will 
be  strictly  to  guard  against  irregularities  and  all  tres- 
passing over  the  boundaries.  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment will,  if  necessary,  appoint  Commissioners  in 
the  native  territories  outside  the  eastern  and  west- 
ern borders  of  the  South  African  Republic  to  main- 
tain order  and  prevent  encroachments. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  and  the  Government 
of  the  South  African  Republic  will  each  appoint  a 


LONDON   CONVENTION   OF    1884.         279 

person  to  proceed  together  to  beacon  ofT  the  amended 
southwest  boundary  as  described  in  Article  I.  of  this 
Convention;  and  the  President  of  the  Orange  Fi 
State  shall  be  requested  to  appoint  a  referee  to  whom 
the  said  persons  shall  refer  any  questions  on  which 
they  may  disagree  respecting  the  interpretation  of 
the  said  Article,  and  the  decision  of  such  refen  e 
thereon  shall  be  final.  The  arrangement  already 
made,  under  the  terms  of  Article  19  of  the  Conven- 
tion of  Pretoria  of  the  3d  August,  18S1,  between  the 
owners  of  the  farms  Grootfontein  and  Valleifontcin 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Barolong  authorities  on  the 
other,  by  which  a  fair  share  of  the  water  supply  of 
the  said  farms  shall  be  allowed  to  flow  undisturbed 
to  the  said  Barolongs,  shall  continue  in  force. 

Article  III.  If  a  British  officer  is  appointed  tore- 
side  at  Pretoria  or  elsewhere  within  the  South  Afri- 
can Republic  to  discharge  functions  analogous  to 
those  of  a  Consular  officer  he  will  receive  the  protec- 
tion and  assistance  of  the  Republic. 

Article  IV.  The  South  African  Republic  will  con- 
clude no  treaty  or  engagement  with  any  State  or 
nation  other  than  the  Orange  Free  State,  nor  with 
any  native  tribe  to  the  eastward  or  westward  of  the 
Republic,  until  the  same  has  been  approved  by  Her 
Majesty  the  Queen. 

Such  approval  shall  be  considered  to  have  been 
granted  if  Her  Majesty's  Government  shall  not, 
within  six  months  after  receiving  a  copy  of  such 
treaty  (which  shall  be  delivered  to  them  immediately 
upon  its  completion),  have  notified  that  the  conclu- 
sion of  such  treaty  is  in  conflict  with  the  interests  of 
Great  Britain  or  of  any  of  Her  Majesty's  possessions 
in  South  Africa 


28o  THE   STORY   OF   THE    BOERS. 

Article  V.  The  South  African  Republic  will  be 
liable  for  any  balance  which  may  still  remain  due  of 
the  debts  for  which  it  was  liable  at  the  date  of  An- 
nexation, to  wit,  the  Cape  Commercial  Bank  Loan, 
the  Railway  Loan,  and  the  Orphan  Chamber  Debt, 
which  debts  will  be  a  first  charge  upon  the  revenues 
of  the  Republic.  The  South  African  Republic  will 
moreover  be  liable  to  Her  Majesty's  Government  for 
^250,000,  which  will  be  a  second  charge  upon  the 
revenues  of  the  Republic. 

Article  VI.  The  debt  due  as  aforesaid  by  the 
South  African  Republic  to  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment will  bear  interest  at  the  rate  of  three  and  a 
half  per  cent.,  from  the  date  of  the  ratification  of 
this  Convention,  and  shall  be  repayable  by  a  pay- 
ment for  interest  and  Sinking  Fund  of  six  pounds 
and  ninepence  per  ^100  per  annum,  which  will  ex- 
tinguish the  debt  in  twenty-five  years.  The  said 
payment  of  six  pounds  and  ninepence  per  ^"ioo  shall 
be  payable  half-yearly,  in  British  currency,  at  the 
close  of  each  half  year  from  the  date  of  such  ratifi- 
cation :  Provided  always  that  the  South  African  Re- 
public shall  be  at  liberty  at  the  close  of  any  half  year 
to  pay  off  the  whole  or  any  portion  of  the  outstand- 
ing debt. 

Interest  at  the  rate  of  three  and  a  half  per  cent, 
on  the  debt  as  standing  under  the  Convention  of  Pre- 
toria shall  as  heretofore  be  paid  to  the  date  of  the 
ratification  of  this  Convention. 

Article  VII.  All  persons  who  held  property  in 
the  Transvaal  on  the  8th  day  of  August,  1881,  and 
still  hold  the  same,  will  continue  to  enjoy  the  rights 
of  property  which  they  have  enjoyed  since  the  12th 
April,  1877.     No  person  who  has  remained  loyal  to 


LONDON   CONVENTION   OF    1884.         281 

Her  Majesty  during  the  late  hostilities  shall  suffer 
any  molestation  by  reason  of  his  loyalty;  or  be  liable 
to  any  criminal  prosecution  or  civil  action  for  any 
part  taken  in  connection  with  such  hostilities;  and 
all  such  persons  will  have  full  liberty  to  reside  in 
the  country,  with  enjoyment  of  all  civil  rights,  and 
protection  for  their  persons  and  propel 

Article  VIII.  The  South  African  Republic  re- 
news the  declaration  made  in  the  Sard  River  Con- 
vention, and  in  the  Convention  of  Pretoria,  that  no 
slavery  or  apprenticeship  partaking-  of  slavery  will 
be  tolerated  by  the  Government  of  the  said  Republic. 

Article  IX.  There  will  continue  to  be  complete 
freedom  of  religion  and  protection  from  molestation 
for  all  denominations,  provided  the  same  be  not  in- 
consistent with  morality  and  good  order;  and  no  dis- 
ability shall  attach  to  any  person  in  regard  to  rights 
of  property  by  reason  of  the  religious  opinions  which 
he  holds. 

Article  X.  The  British  Officer  appointed  to  reside 
in  the  South  African  Republic  will  receive  every  as- 
sistance from  the  Government  of  the  said  Republic 
in  making  due  provision  for  the  proper  care  and 
preservation  of  the  graves  of  such  of  Her  Majesty's 
Forces  as  have  died  in  the  Transvaal;  and  if  need 
be,  for  the  appropriation  of  land  for  the  purpose. 

Article  XI.  All  grants  or  titles  issued  at  anytime 
by  the  Transvaal  Government  in  respect  of  land  out- 
side the  boundary  of  the  South  African  Republic, 
as  defined  in  Article  I.,  shall  be  considered  invalid 
and  of  no  effect,  except  in  so  far  as  any  such  grant 
or  title  relates  to  land  that  falls  within  the  boundary 
of  the  South  African  Republic;  and  all  persons  hold- 
ing any  such  grant  so  considered  invalid  and  of  no 


282  THE   STORY   OF   THE    BOERS. 

effect  will  receive  from  the  Government  of  the  South 
African  Republic  such  compensation,  either  in  land 
or  in  money,  as  the  Volksraad  shall  determine.  In 
all  cases  in  which  any  Native  Chiefs  or  other  authori- 
ties outside  the  said  boundaries  have  received  any 
adequate  consideration  from  the  Government  of  the 
South  African  Republic  for  land  excluded  from  the 
Transvaal  by  the  first  Article  of  this  Convention,  or 
where  permanent  improvements  have  been  made  on 
the  land,  the  High  Commissioner  will  recover  from 
the  native  authorities  fair  compensation  for  the  loss 
of  the  land  thus  excluded,  or  of  the  permanent  im- 
provements thereon. 

Article  XII.  The  independence  of  the  Swazis, 
within  the  boundary  line  of  Swaziland,  as  indicated 
in  the  first  Article  of  this  Convention,  will  be  fully 
recognized. 

Article  XIII.  Except  in  pursuance  of  any  treaty 
or  engagement  made  as  provided  in  Article  IV.  of 
the  Convention,  no  other  or  higher  duties  shall  be 
imposed  on  the  importation  into  the  South  African 
Republic  of  any  article  coming  from  any  part  of  Her 
Majesty's  dominions  than  are  or  may  be  imposed  on 
the  like  article  coming  from  any  other  place  or 
country;  nor  will  any  prohibition  be  maintained  or 
imposed  on  the  importation  into  the  South  African 
Republic  of  any  article  coming  from  any  part  of  Her 
Majesty's  dominions  which  shall  not  equally  extend 
to  the  like  article  coming  from  any  other  place  or 
country.  And  in  like  manner  the  same  treatment 
shall  be  given  to  any  article  coming  to  Great  Britain 
from  the  South  African  Republic  as  to  the  like  arti- 
cle coming  from  any  other  place  or  country. 

These  provisions  do  not  preclude  the  considera- 


LONDON   CONVENTION   OF    1884.         283 

tion  of  special  arrangements  as  to  import  duties  and 
commercial  relations  between  the  South  African  Re- 
public and  any  of  Her  Majesty's  colonies  or  posses- 
sions. 

Article  XIV.  All  persons,  other  than  nativ 
conforming  themselves  to  the  laws  of  the  South 
African  Republic  (a)  will  have  full  liberty,  with 
their  families,  to  enter,  travel,  or  reside  in  any  part 
of  the  South  African  Republic;  (/>)  they  will  be  en- 
titled to  hire  or  possess  houses,  manufactories,  ware- 
houses, shops,  and  premises;  (r)  they  may  carry  on 
their  commerce  either  in  person  or  by  any  agents 
whom  they  may  think  fit  to  employ ;  (</)  they  will  not 
be  subject,  in  respect  of  their  persons  or  property, 
or  in  respect  of  their  commerce  or  industry,  to  any 
taxes,  whether  general  or  local,  other  than  those 
which  are  or  may  be  imposed  upon  citizens  of  the 
said  Republic. 

Article  XV.  All  persons,  other  than  natives,  who 
established  their  domicile  in  the  Transvaal  between 
the  12th  day  of  April,  1877,  and  the  8th  August, 
1 88 1,  and  who  within  twelve  months  after  such  last- 
mentioned  date  have  had  their  names  registered  by 
the  British  Resident,  shall  be  exempt  from  all  com- 
pulsory military  service  whatever. 

Article  XVI.  Provision  shall  hereafter  be  made 
by  a  separate  instrument  for  the  mutual  extraditi*  m 
of  criminals,  and  also  for  the  surrender  of  deserters 
from  Her  Majesty's  Forces. 

Article  XVII.  All  debts  contracted  between  the 
12th  April,  1877,  and  the  8th  August,  1SS1,  will  be 
payable  in  the  same  currency  in  which  they  may 
have  been  contracted. 

Article  XVIII.   No  grants  of  land  which    may 


284  THE   STORY  OF   THE   BOERS. 

have  been  made,  and  no  transfers  or  mortgages 
which  may  have  been  passed  between  the  12th  April, 
1877,  and  the  8th  August,  1881,  will  be  invalidated 
by  reason  merely  of  their  having  been  made  or 
passed  between  such  dates. 

All  transfers  to  the  British  Secretary  for  Native 
Affairs  in  trust  for  Natives  will  remain  in  force,  an 
officer  of  the  South  African  Republic  taking  the 
place  of  such  Secretary  for  Native  Affairs. 

Article  XIX.  The  Government  of  the  South  Afri- 
can Republic  will  engage  faithfully  to  fulfil  the  as- 
surances given,  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  the 
South  African  Republic,  to  the  natives  at  the  Pre- 
toria Pitso  by  the  Royal  Commission  in  the  presence 
of  the  Triumvirate  and  with  their  entire  assent,  (1) 
as  to  the  freedom  of  the  natives  to  buy  or  otherwise 
acquire  land  under  certain  conditions,  (2)  as  to  the 
appointment  of  a  commission  to  mark  out  native 
locations,  (3)  as  to  the  access  of  the  natives  to  the 
courts  of  law,  and  (4)  as  to  their  being  allowed  to 
move  freely  within  the  country,  or  to  leave  it  for 
any  legal  purpose,  under  a  pass  system. 

Article  XX.  This  Convention  will  be  ratified  by 
a  Volksraad  of  the  South  African  Republic  within 
the  period  of  six  months  after  its  execution,  and  in 
default  of  such  ratification  this  Convention  shall  be 
null  and  void. 

Signed  in  duplicate  in  London  this  27th  day  of 
February,  1884. 

(Signed)  Hercules  Robinson. 

(Signed)  S.  J.  P.  Kruger. 

(Signed)  S.  J.  Du  Toit. 

(Signed)  M.  J.  Smit. 


"HET  VOLKSLIKD." 

The  following  is  a  translation  of  "  Het  Volkslied," 
the  national  hymn  of  the  South  African  Republic: 

Know  ye  the  folk  of  fearless  soul, 

Though  long  oppressed  by  might? 
They  sacrifice  their  blood,  their  all, 

For  freedom  and  for  right. 
Come,  Burghers,  let  our  flags  be  streaming — 

Submit  not  patiently  ; 
The  broadswords  of  our  braves  be  gleaming — 
A  people  free  are  we, 

A  people  free, 
A  people  free, 
A  people  free,  yes,  free  are  we. 

Know  ye  the  land,  but  seldom  sought, 

And  yet  so  rich  and  fair — 
Where  Nature  her  great  wonders  wrought. 

And  lavishes  her  care? 
Transvaalers,  free  your  hearts  with  singing, 

'Tis  there  we  took  our  stand  ; 
Where  echoes  of  our  joyous  guns  are  ringing, 
There  is  our  fatherland, 

That  glorious  land. 
That  glorious  land. 
There  is,  there  is,  our  fatherland. 

Know  ye  the  state? — a  child  at  school 

'Mong  other  realms  it  may  be  ; 
But  still  the  mighty  British  rule 

Did  once  declare  it  free. 
Transvaalers,  vainly  have  we  striven — 

Our  lot's  but  pain  and  hate  ; 
But  God  to  us  has  rescue  given, 
And  we  possess  our  State — 
Praise  be  to  God, 
Praise  be  to  God, 
Praise  God  for  land  and  state. 


UCSOl' 


AA      000  322  321 


